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이화여자대학교 통일학연구원> Journal of Peace and Unification> The Nukes We Need: Retrofitting American Extended Deterrent

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The Nukes We Need: Retrofitting American Extended Deterrent

Bee Yun Jo
  • : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원
  • : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권3호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2022년 08월
  • : 35-56(22pages)
Journal of Peace and Unification

DOI


목차

Ⅰ. Introduction
Ⅱ. Debating Deterrence and New Nuclear Weapons
Ⅲ. Capability-first for Credible Extended Deterrence
Ⅳ. New Nukes and the ROK-US Extended Deterrence
Ⅴ. Conclusion
References

키워드 보기


초록 보기

This article debates on the extended deterrent value of the US’s new low-yield nuclear weapons that were developed since 2018 Nuclear Posture Review. Building what this study calls a capability-first approach to extended deterrence, this study argues that the new nukes may retrofit and enhance robustness of the ROK-US extended deterrence. Beginning with review on existing debate on the new nukes, I posit that the ‘cons’ of these new nukes may be overblown. Second, I deliberate on the three-Cs of extended deterrence and why capability-first approach is important. Third, the article delves into the technical specifications of the new nukes and illustrates how they can retrofit US’s nuclear umbrella in the region. Lastly, I conclude that although these new nukes are no cure-all, the new nukes will work as new means to revamp fear among adversaries and set bounds to their military aggressions.

UCI(KEPA)

간행물정보

  • : 사회과학분야  > 정치/외교학
  • : KCI등재
  • :
  • : 계간
  • : 2233-9671
  • : 2714-111X
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2011-2022
  • : 143


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1North Korea's Perception of Gender Equality under the Regimes of Kim Jong-il, and Kim Jong-un

저자 : Mi-jeong Kim , Seok-hyang Kim

발행기관 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 간행물 : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권 4호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 5-30 (26 pages)

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This study analyzes the meaning of “gender equality” claimed by North Korean authorities under Kim Jong-il and his son Kim Jong-un. North Korean authorities enacted the Law on Gender Equality on July 30, 1946. Since then, North Korean authorities has claimed that all North Koreans―women and men―enjoy equal rights and has published articles re-lated to gender equality in Rodong Sinmun, North Korea's the most powerful newspaper, every year on July 30. The authors collected 420 cases of women's type by North Korean authorities from the articles in Rodong Sinmun and analyzed their meanings during the reigns of Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un. It was found that women's type that emphasized the Owner of the Country occurred the most in Rodong Sinmun. This means that North Korean authorities emphasized that women enjoy the same rights as men thanks to the Law on Gender Equality. Women's type that emphasized the Songun Ideologue, meaning that all related matters in the country were solved by military means first, occurred more often under Kim Jong-il than under Kim Jong-un. Women's type emphasized the Grand Family Holder of Socialist Society, meaning the state as the grand family of socialist fam-ily showed an increasing trend under Kim Jong-un. Based on this analysis, the themes these two leaders emphasized appeared to be reflected in women's type. However, how North Korean authorities perceives women has not changed markedly. The authorities still emphasizes that women can live happily by following the leader's commands.

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2Peace Is Not a Long Quiet River: Case Study of the Summitry Process Using Perceptional Consociationalism

저자 : Haym Alexandre

발행기관 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 간행물 : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권 4호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 31-54 (24 pages)

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This paper analyzes the 2018-2019 peace process between the two Koreas and the United States, relying on perceptional consociationalism. Perceptional consociationalism draws on consociational theory used in Northern Ireland to reach a peaceful agreement, with variables adjusted for the Korean case through the perceptional approach. The present paper qualitatively analyzes each summit using its different variables, i.e., the structure of the negotiation framework, the inclusion of and concessions by key actors, the respect of core interests, and tangible reduction of tensions. We conclude the negotiations collapsed due to the non-respect of the actors' core interests, that a multilateral framework would ensure sustainability, and that the Agreed Framework and the Good Friday Agreement could be used as blueprints for future negotiations.

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3Third-Country-Born North Korean Children Are Anomalous Citizens: Politics of Belonging in South Korea's Categorized Migrant Policy

저자 : Joo Yeon Lee , Young Soo Kim

발행기관 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 간행물 : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권 4호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 55-77 (23 pages)

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This study examines the issues regarding the categorized migration policies of South Korea through the case of North Korean children born in a third country residing in South Korea. Despite being “legally” granted South Korean citizenship, third-country-born North Korean children (TCBNKC) have, in practice, not been fully accepted as members of Korean society from the broader theoretical perspective on citizenship. We claim that such exclusion from “full citizenship” originates from the group-based or categorized policy approach toward North Koreans and migrants in South Korea. We contend that a 'single comprehensive approach' is imperative as a policy alternative for rectifying the political and social marginalization of the TCBNKC caused by differentiated citizenship and categorical thinking about minorities.

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4The Cyber-Nuclear Nexus and its Impact on the Stability of the International Security Order

저자 : Seung Hugh Shin

발행기관 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 간행물 : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권 4호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 79-110 (32 pages)

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This paper analyzes the impact of the emerging 'cyber-nuclear nexus' on the structural, constitutive, and institutional elements of the international security order to examine the possibility of changes in the stability of the order. Based on the analyses, the paper argues that the cyber-nuclear nexus causes or has the potential to cause changes in the stability of the order on three levels. First, there are signs of change in the unequal distribution of power between countries based on traditional military resources and the international hi-erarchy, in other words, the 'structural element' of the order is changing accordingly, as the vulnerability of conventional military resources to cyber threats increases due to the digitalization of military resources including nuclear weapons. Second, as the influence of non-state actors as the subject of cyber-nuclear threats is expanding, the 'constitutive ele-ment' of the order, which originally assumes the sovereign state as the only subject and object of security, is changing. Third, as the need for combining the non-proliferation/nu-clear security-related regimes and cyber security-related norms to manage the growing cyber-nuclear threats increases, changes are expected in the 'institutional element' of the order that is expressed through international institutions. Among the three, the changes in the structural and constitutive elements are accelerated as they interlock with the strategic competition between the U.S. and China that is already jeopardizing the stability of the existing order.

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5Exposure Status and Characteristics of North Korea's Internet Information : Focusing on the Information Restricted for Domestic Use

저자 : Sun Hwa Park

발행기관 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 간행물 : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권 4호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 111-137 (27 pages)

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This study examined the characteristics of exposing Internet information during the Kim Jong-un reign, analyzing the material blocked in South Korea among Internet information directly and indirectly operated by North Korea for ten years from 2011 to 2020.
North Korea has used the global internet as an official propaganda medium. Unlike tradi-tional media outlets, it uses the internet for external propaganda, diplomatic functions, and counter-media warfare. Website types than SNS accounts are preferred. Among SNS, YouTube is used relatively more. The number of websites operating directly from servers in North Korea is steadily increasing, and the national code of North Korea 'KP' and na-tional initial 'DPRK' in Internet addresses are often found.
Internet information operated by North Korea is not well received by users and lags in content competitiveness due to restrictions on access rights for users and the hardening of information. Recently, some Internet information look softened, but to achieve the 'in-formatization' and 'globalization' that North Korea advocates, more efforts to expose itself on the Internet network if it wants to secure users.

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The general image of South Korea's progressive government is positive for inter-Korean economic cooperation and the conservative government is negative. This study evaluates how well this image fits with reality. The results are summarized as follows. First, the conservative government was just as active in expanding inter-Korean economic cooperation as the progressive government. However, the political and security situation on the Korean Peninsula turned relatively negative to the conservative government. Second, not only the legalization of inter-Korean economic cooperation but the first economic cooperation agreement, the first economic talks, and the first assistance were made by the conservative government. Third, the year 2015 under the Park Geun-hye administration marked the highest level of inter-Korean trade. Based on the presidential term, the Lee Myung-bak administration recorded the biggest volume of inter-Korean trade. Fourth, the distortion of statistics greatly contributed to the perception that inter-Korean economic cooperation had grown in the progressive government. These findings imply that the general image differs from the actual facts. Inter-Korean economic cooperation in the conservative government was by no means smaller than in the progressive government. In the progressive government, humanitarian aid and the Kaesong Industrial Complex produced the effect of making the inter-Korean economic cooperation appear larger than it was, whereas the conservative government's suspension of inter-Korean trade and the closure of the Kaesong Industrial Complex created an illusion that the inter-Korean economic co-operation seemed smaller than it really was.

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2The Nukes We Need: Retrofitting American Extended Deterrent

저자 : Bee Yun Jo

발행기관 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 간행물 : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 35-56 (22 pages)

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초록보기

This article debates on the extended deterrent value of the US's new low-yield nuclear weapons that were developed since 2018 Nuclear Posture Review. Building what this study calls a capability-first approach to extended deterrence, this study argues that the new nukes may retrofit and enhance robustness of the ROK-US extended deterrence. Beginning with review on existing debate on the new nukes, I posit that the 'cons' of these new nukes may be overblown. Second, I deliberate on the three-Cs of extended deterrence and why capability-first approach is important. Third, the article delves into the technical specifications of the new nukes and illustrates how they can retrofit US's nuclear umbrella in the region. Lastly, I conclude that although these new nukes are no cure-all, the new nukes will work as new means to revamp fear among adversaries and set bounds to their military aggressions.

KCI등재

3Developing Entrepreneurship in North Korea: Investigating the Case of Choson Exchange (CE)

저자 : Byung-kil Jeon , Tae-rae Kim

발행기관 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 간행물 : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 57-85 (29 pages)

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Among the market economy education programs implemented in North Korea, the entrepreneurship education programs of Choson Exchange are considered the most successful. Choson Exchange's success factors are summarized in one word 'NNCR' Strategy, which consists of 'Neutral strategy,' 'Nomad strategy,' 'Customization strategy,' 'Reciprocity strategy.'
This study provides the following implications. First, the study indicates that entrepreneurship education in North Korea was in progress for more than ten years within the mutual trust between Choson Exchange and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Second, it provides researchers with primary content on entrepreneurship education in North Korea and insight into related research. Third, it helps policymakers and researchers understand the situation of entrepreneurship education in North Korea. Fourth, it gives an insight that explains multilateral cooperation in North Korea regarding the long-term development of the North Korean economy and inter-Korean economic cooperation. Finally, this study suggests that sustaining entrepreneurship education in North Korea is necessary for the mid-to-long-term, pluralistic, and mutually beneficial perspective.

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4UNICEF and Epistemic Authority in North Korea, from Humanitarian Emergency to the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), 1995-2015

저자 : Gianluca Spezza

발행기관 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 간행물 : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 87-122 (36 pages)

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This study analyzes the work of UNICEF in the DPRK (North Korea) from 1995 to the late 2000s, asking how and why UNICEF pursued development objectives, particularly in the field of education, despite refusal from key donors to countenance support for developmental programs in the DPRK and their insistence that aid should be confined to the humanitarian sphere. The core argument of this article is that UNICEF - a key UN agency with a semi-autonomous capacity - developed sufficient epistemic authority to legitimize humanitarianism and development as non-mutually-exclusive goals of DPRK operations and therefore allowed itself to pursue the implementation of educational programs in North Korea, despite the reluctance of donors to provide support for development work in the country.

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