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한국이슬람학회> 한국이슬람학회 논총> 칼디란에 관한 소고: 쿠르드 민족의 대안 담론에 대한 연구

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칼디란에 관한 소고: 쿠르드 민족의 대안 담론에 대한 연구

Chaldiran Revisited: Positing an Alternative Emergence of the Kurdish Ethnie

Robert Lawrence
  • : 한국이슬람학회
  • : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권2호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2022년 06월
  • : 105-130(26pages)
한국이슬람학회 논총

DOI


목차

Ⅰ. Introduction
Ⅱ. Literature Review
Ⅲ. Historical Background
Ⅳ. Chaldiran and the Decision to Unite
Ⅴ. Conclusion

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초록 보기

최근 100 년 이상 경쟁적으로 일어나고 있는 쿠르드 민족주의 운동은 적어도 4 개 국가에서는 중동 정치 분야의 필요 불가결한 부분이 되었다. 그러나 학자들 사이에서 쿠르드 민족주의에 대한 기원이나 중요성, 전개 양상에 대한 의견은 일치되지 않고 있는 상황이다. 이 논문은 이론상 혼란스러운 부분으로 남겨져 잘못 해석될 수 있는 이분법적 "구성주의 대원시주의" 패러다임을 넘어, 자주 언급됨에도 불구하고 간과되었던 전근대적인 쿠르드 민족의식에 대해 이야기해 보고자 한다. 이 현상을 다루는 대부분의 학자들은 쿠르드 민족의식이 16 세기 후반과 17 세기의 문헌에서 시작되었다고 주장하면서 동시에 쿠르드의 협동적인 정치 발전에서 가장 중요한 이정표를 간과하고 있다. 이 논문은 앤서니 스미스(Anthony Smith)의 에스니(ethnie) 개념을 사용하여 원하는 정치적 성과를 얻기 위해 칼디란(Chaldiran) 전투에서 그들의 활동을 조정하기로 한 쿠르드에미르(emir)의 결정이 전근대적 쿠르드 정치 조직의 기원을 보여준다고 주장한다.
Competing Kurdish nationalist movements have been an integral part of Middle Eastern politics in at least four states for over a century now. Yet, scholars disagree on the origins, significance, and development of Kurdish nationalism. Moving beyond the misleadingly binary “constructivism vs primordialism” paradigm that has left the field theoretically perplexed, this paper scrutinizes the often-mentioned, but glossed over pre-modern Kurdish consciousness. Most scholars who address this phenomenon argue that it began with the literature of the late-16th and 17th centuries, but in doing so they ignore a paramount milestone in Kurdish cooperative political development. By employing Anthony Smith’s concept of ethnie, this paper argues that the Kurdish emirs’ decision to coordinate their efforts in the Battle of Chaldiran in attaining their desired political outcome marks the origin of pre-modern Kurdish political organization.

UCI(KEPA)

간행물정보

  • : 인문과학분야  > 종교학
  • : KCI등재
  • :
  • : 연3회
  • : 1226-2811
  • :
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 1990-2022
  • : 630


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1배교에 관한 샤리아 규범 연구: 문헌학적 연구 방법을 중심으로

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발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 1-28 (28 pages)

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Sharia protects the five elements (religion, life, reason, honor, property), and apostasy is prohibited for the protection of religion. Islam saw apostasy as a Muslim becoming a kāfir. Here, kāfir is meant to include unbelievers, atheists, pagans (non-Muslims), skeptics, heretics, those who slander Islam or the prophets, and idolaters. Islam has a very broad understanding of apostasy, and the details of this are defined through Sharia. The Qur'ān warns those who betray or disbelieve Islam that there is an afterlife punishment by Allah and a real punishment by Muslims. Hadith (Sunna) clearly presented the acts of apostasy through specific examples, and confirmed that there are realistic and afterlife punishments for apostates. On the other hand, Sunni's four law schools focused on establishing detailed guidelines for the issues that Muslims should know clearly and issues that are at issue in reality, believing that the acts and punishments of apostasy were clearly and sufficiently mentioned by the Qur'ān and the Hadith. In modern times, more than a dozen Islamic countries have stipulated through their constitutions or criminal laws that apostasy to Islam is a serious crime and should be punishable by death.

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2Tracking the Sufi presence in Jerusalem

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발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 29-55 (27 pages)

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Tracing Sufism in the Islamic world, Jerusalem was one of the Sufis' centers attracting many of them to settle in this holy city known for its significant spirituality for Muslims. This study traces the Sufi presence in Jerusalem from the past until the present to give an overview of the history of Sufism in this holy city. Through examining the remaining Sufi lodges in Jerusalem today, the study introduces the main Sufi orders and the development of their role and activities in the Jerusalemite society throughout history. The study showed that the golden era of the Sufi role ended with the end of Ottoman rule. Then, there was a decline in this role which faced many challenges including the economic difficulties worsened under the Israeli occupation. Being a part of the Palestinian society, the Sufis of Jerusalem had their contributions to the Arab-Israeli conflict struggling for defending their lands and properties till today.
Introducing the development of the Sufi orders in Jerusalem, the study showed that despite the decline of the Sufi activities in the modern era, the Sufi presence continued, which was seen in their remaining buildings including zawiyas, ribats, and shrines covered by this study. Though many of them lost their Sufi function, there are still some Sufi families continuing to maintain Sufi traditions at present in Jerusalem.

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3인터넷 미디어를 통해 본 탈레반 재집권과 아프가니스탄

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발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 57-85 (29 pages)

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This study analyzed online news articles related to the return to power of the Taliban in Afghanistan covered by two major Internet news outlets in Korea: namely, Pressian and New Daily. This study adopted Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to look into the perspectives of both media outlets on the current situation in Afghanistan and discourse strategies. CDA is interdisciplinary research methodology and it is used not only in linguistics but also in politics.
The key findings of this study are as follows. Pressian reported the situation in Afghanistan by using various discourse strategies such as nonrationalization, presentation of negative image, presentation of positive image, dichotomy and warning. Also, Pressian showed a critical stance on the Taliban and the United States. New Daily reported the situation in Afghanistan by using the same discourse strategies too. However, unlike Pressian, there was no criticism of the United States in New Daily. Lastly, for a better understanding of the current situation in Afghanistan, it is necessary to look at the political and social changes in Afghanistan from various angles. More specifically, it is important to consider not only women's human rights but also a variety of themes such as poverty, refugee issues and regional security.

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42011년 이후 이집트인들이 무슬림형제단에 환멸을 느끼는 이유 연구

저자 : 건하산 ( Geon Hassan )

발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 87-116 (30 pages)

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2013 년 7 월 무함마드 무르시 대통령의 군사 타도 이후 무슬림 형제단의 권력 상실은 이집트를 30 년간 통치한 호스니 무바라크 대통령의 2011 년 민중봉기에 이어 이집트의 민주적 전환을 이루려는 시도가 실패했음을 의미하면서 다양한 논쟁을 불러일으켰다. 이 연구에서 다룬 주요 주제는 왜 무슬림 형제단이 이집트의 통치를 지키지 못하였는지에 중점을 두며, 이집트 인들이 무슬림 형제단에 믿음을 잃게 된 이유는 무엇인가? 무슬림 형제단의 계획은 얼마나 잘 고안되었고 유용했는가? 무슬림 형제단은 “이슬람 국가”의 이상을 잘 구현했는가? 제대로 준비도 되지 않은 채 집권했다는 점에서 무슬림 형제단이 저지른 정치적 실수는 무엇인가?에 대해 연구를 진행하였다. 또 무슬림 형제단은 다원적 사고방식을 채택하지 못하여 외교 및 경제 정책 모두에서 실수를 저질러 결국 가장 큰 아랍 국가의 통제권을 장악하는데 실패하였고 그것은 결국 정치적 이슬람의 명성에 부정적인 영향을 미쳤다. 본 연구는 이러한 질문들에 대해 새로운 관점에서 답하고자 하며 이집트에서 무슬림 형제단의 통치 실패의 이유를 정확히 지적하고자 노력하였다. 그리하여 본 연구의 결과는 보수와 혁명 정신의 부재, 진보적 계획의 부재 그리고 지도자들의 무능과 통치 경험의 부족등과 깊게 연관이 되었음을 밝힌다. 또한 이 연구는 이슬람교와 정치 이슬람 분야의 정책입안자와 학자들에게 도움이 되고, 이 주제와 관련된 학문적 논의에 기여할 것이라 믿는다.

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5종파 갈등의 재생산: 사우디와 이란의 범 아랍어 뉴스의 예멘 내전 보도 방식의 차이를 중심으로

저자 : 안소연 ( Ahn So Yeon )

발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 117-148 (32 pages)

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This study examines Saudi-Iranian rivalry and its influence on sectarian conflict in the Middle East using the Yemeni Civil War as a case study. Typically, Saudi-Iranian rivalry is considered as a sectarian conflict between Sunni and Shi'a. However, sectarianism is being used as a tool to consolidate power. Since the Arab Spring, power struggles between Saudi Arabia and Iran has escalated. In this process, Saudi and Iranian intervention has contributed to escalating sectarian conflicts in the Middle East. Furthermore, sectarian biased news coverage of both state owned Saudi and Iranian news channels led to spread sectarian antagonism and spur sectarian split in the Middle East. The study looks into the origins of the Yemeni Civil War and its relations with Saudi Iranian rivalry. In particular, this study contributes to investigating how Saudi and Iranian state owned Arabic news channels deployed sectarian discourses in their coverage of the Houthi movement, Operation of Decisive Storm and Yemen humanitarian crisis and used this to their advantage in the Yemeni Civil War. This study confirms that Saudi Arabia and Iran use their news channels to perpetuate sectarian fissures by reinstating their own sectarian propaganda. Sectarianism which is produced by political power is reproduced through the media and the people who accept and benefit from it.

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6기후변화, 탄소중립 그리고 중동: 사우디아라비아의 탄소중립정책을 중심으로

저자 : 이주성 ( Lee Joosong ) , 백승훈 ( Paik Seunghoon )

발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 149-176 (28 pages)

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The MENA region is the most vulnerable region to global climate change. Temperature rise, desertification and coastline changes caused by climate change are highly likely to have a profound impact on the lives of the people of MENA countries. As a result, many MENA countries are agile in the international movement to slow the pace of climate change.
Saudi Arabia, one of the world's largest oil producers, announced in October 2021 an ambitious plan to achieve zero carbon emissions by 2060 by actively accepting the recommendations of the Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change Special Report. Saudi Arabia's declaration of Net Zero as a rentier state, in which the country is operated with a rent obtained from oil, caused a sensation in the international community. However, unlike Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS)'s carbon-neutral announcement, Saudi Arabia's plans to invest in fossil fuels including oil and gas and expand infrastructure are still in progress.
Therefore, this study aims to analyze how the transitional transformation in the MENA region will develop in the future by looking at Saudi Arabia's carbon-neutral policy.

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7ESG 채권과 ESG 수쿠크 비교를 통한 수쿠크에 대한 재인식

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Recently, in the global bond market, the issuance of ESG bonds, which are different from the existing bond investment method aimed at achieving financial returns, is increasing. ESG bonds are issued to attract investment based on a company's ESG performance or future sustainability.
Green Sukuk, which has a similar concept, has been issued in the Islamic financial market, and this trend is expanding to attract funds for businesses aimed at resolving social issues. Some scholars have begun to classify such Sukuks as ESG Sukuk.
In general, conventional bonds are debt instruments with fixed returns. On the other hand, the Islamic Sukuk is a certificate confirming the possession of a stake in the assets used in the business. Therefore, the holder of Sukuk becomes the owner of a certain percentage of the investment and assets.
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Multinational enterprises (MNEs) have recently increased their presence in Kazakhstan, but research on their choice of foreign direct investment (FDI), a major form of entry, has not been sufficiently conducted despite its significance for firm strategy and the local economy. This study addresses the determinants of the choice of FDI modes by foreign firms in Kazakhstan, focusing on two major FDI modes, i.e., setting up a joint venture (JV) or a wholly owned subsidiary (WOS). Six hypotheses on how country-level factors affect MNEs' choice between the two modes were established. Using secondary data on 187 firms from 41 countries operating in Kazakhstan as of 2019, a binomial logistic regression was conducted to test the hypotheses. The results show that a longer cultural distance, a higher corruption level, and a weaker economic relationship between home and host countries have a significant effect on MNEs' choice of a JV over a WOS.

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9문학텍스트 아-한 기계번역의 가용성과 한계 연구

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발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 249-276 (28 pages)

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This study aims to identify the limitations and availability of neural machine translation(NMT) through a comparative analysis of the Arabic-Korean human translation and NMT of a literary text. To this end, the NMT of Saud Alsanousi's novel The Bamboo Stalk is analyzed compared to its human translation published in Korean. Errors in the NMT output are classified into nine categories for quantitative analysis, and exemplary errors are qualitatively examined. According to the findings of analysis, many errors involve polysemous words that must be translated according to their context. In particular, when negative words are included, the whole sentence is often translated into the opposite meaning. The explicitation of pronouns has not been done as much as predicted. The Arabic phrases of inanimate subject with animate object appeared and the inanimate subjects of Arabic were rendered into other sentence components. Specifically, they were rendered into adverb phrases and predicates. In addition, this study presents good cases of NMT to confirm it's availability. Although this study uses limited data for analysis, it is meaningful in that it confirms the limitations and availability of Arabic-Korean NMT.

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In this paper, we analyzed how the subject content, theory of knowledge, and international mindedness dealt with in the IB DP mathematics course < Mathematics: analysis and approaches > accept Islamic culture. We claim that IB mathematics (1) minimizes or omits the achievements of Islamic mathematicians, and (2) ignores ancient Egyptian and Old Babylonian mathematics, the roots of modern mathematics. IB Mathematics refers to Chinese, Japanese, Indian, or European mathematicians, ignoring the roles of great mathematicians such as al-Khowarizmi, al-Karaji, Ibn al-Haytham, Omar Khayyam, and al-Kashi. IB mathematics education gives deep mathematical and cultural values to ancient Greece from the point of view of the axial age, and attributes the calculus values of ancient Babylonia and Fatimid Dynasty to Newton and Leibniz in Europe. We discussed how it is desirable to accept Middle East and Islamic mathematical culture from a critical point of view.

KCI등재

2유대인, 이스라엘과 이란의 전략적 관계

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It is generally known that in the wake of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, Muhammad Reza Pahlavi's pro-Israel policy abruptly changed to Khomeini's anti-Israel policy.
Shortly after the Islamic Revolution, two-thirds of Iranian Jews reportedly left their homeland and moved to Israel, the United States and Europe. Are these refugees forcibly deported by the anti-Zionist policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Are they voluntary migrants in search of a better living conditions?
Officially, the Islamic Republic of Iran has severed diplomatic and commercial relations with Israel and does not recognize Israel as a legitimate state. However, Israel sided with Iran in the Iran/Iraq War, which lasted for nearly eight years from 1980 to 1988, including arms support. Weapons are an essential element for maintaining and strengthening the regime, and arms trade is a key driving force and symbol of alliances between countries.
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발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 81-103 (23 pages)

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The impact that Islamic State(IS) had on the international community was huge. As if denying the achievements of the “War on Terror” led by the United States, a more sophisticated violent extremist force such as IS emerged after the Arab Spring. Although IS lost its base and was annihilated in Syria and Iraq, the collapse of IS does not mean the end of violent extremism which abused the ideology of political Islam.
In deed, some of the Muslim groups have been using the concept of 'Umma' as a counter ideology from European imperialism in the late 19th century to the some of the current US Middle East policy. However, being a member of the Muslim 'Umma' did not mean exclusion from other social affiliations, such as tribes or ethnicities, nor did it create conflicts with other identities. In this context, the 'Umma' should not be viewed as part of any rigid hierarchical identity. Thus, this study deconstructs the one-sided interpretation of 'Dawah' used by violent extremist and seeks a possibility of it as a social integration mechanism.

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4칼디란에 관한 소고: 쿠르드 민족의 대안 담론에 대한 연구

저자 : Robert Lawrence

발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 105-130 (26 pages)

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최근 100 년 이상 경쟁적으로 일어나고 있는 쿠르드 민족주의 운동은 적어도 4 개 국가에서는 중동 정치 분야의 필요 불가결한 부분이 되었다. 그러나 학자들 사이에서 쿠르드 민족주의에 대한 기원이나 중요성, 전개 양상에 대한 의견은 일치되지 않고 있는 상황이다. 이 논문은 이론상 혼란스러운 부분으로 남겨져 잘못 해석될 수 있는 이분법적 "구성주의 대원시주의" 패러다임을 넘어, 자주 언급됨에도 불구하고 간과되었던 전근대적인 쿠르드 민족의식에 대해 이야기해 보고자 한다. 이 현상을 다루는 대부분의 학자들은 쿠르드 민족의식이 16 세기 후반과 17 세기의 문헌에서 시작되었다고 주장하면서 동시에 쿠르드의 협동적인 정치 발전에서 가장 중요한 이정표를 간과하고 있다. 이 논문은 앤서니 스미스(Anthony Smith)의 에스니(ethnie) 개념을 사용하여 원하는 정치적 성과를 얻기 위해 칼디란(Chaldiran) 전투에서 그들의 활동을 조정하기로 한 쿠르드에미르(emir)의 결정이 전근대적 쿠르드 정치 조직의 기원을 보여준다고 주장한다.

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5미군의 아프가니스탄 철수와 카타르 외교 정책의 역할

저자 : 이수진 ( Lee Soo Jin )

발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 131-149 (19 pages)

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Qatar has played a vital role in mediation between the US, international society, and the Taliban since the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021.
Over the last decade, Qatar's foreign policy made trouble with its neighboring countries and it leads to even cut diplomatic ties with them. Though this foreign policy threats the regime itself, its policy impact increases regional influence due to changes in the regional security order in the Middle East.
This study is based on the hypothesis that Qatar's hedging policy to Iran, non-state actors(Taliban), and the US impact on Qatar's recent role in United States' Afghanistan withdrawal. In particular, this study analyzes Qatar's foreign policy, which maintained friendly relations with both the US and the Taliban creating an opportunity for Qatar to act as a mediator to prevent chaos in the region as a trusted ally of the US.
To test this hypothesis, this study examines several cases including Qatar's foreign policy to Iran (as well as nuclear negotiation) and the US, and Qatar diplomatic crisis in 2017 from the perspective of hedging strategy.

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6카타르의 대(對)터키 경제협력 현황과 한계

저자 : 정혜선 ( Jung Hye-sun )

발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 151-180 (30 pages)

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The bilateral relationship between Qatar and Turkey began as a political and military partnership and expanded to the economic sector. As a result, the trade volume between the two countries has grown and foreign direct investment has also increased. The bilateral trade volume was about $1.87 billion in 2020, which was 69 times higher than in 2000, 20 years ago, and 1.8 times higher than in 2010, 10 years ago. Meanwhile, Turkey is currently facing an economic crisis as the value of the Turkish Lira has continued to decline due to President Erdogan's unprecedented monetary policy. Nevertheless, Qatar continues its economic cooperation by extending the currency swap agreement with Turkey. This study discusses the limits of economic cooperation between the two countries based on the background and achievements to answer the question of whether Qatar-Turkey economic cooperation can be expanded in the future.

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7신의 이름으로, 중동지역 미디어검열

저자 : 김수완 ( Kim Suwan )

발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 181-204 (24 pages)

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The aim of this study is to investigate legal regulations and religious controls by researching media controls and censorship cases and attempting to understand the Middle East's media sector and presence. Despite state-led backing and the establishment of media infrastructure such as Media City, the research shows that media freedom in the Middle East has not improved in recent decades.
Also, according to the research, religious constraints and legislative laws are the foundation of media control and have been employed to keep the ruling regime in place. Censorship and media control have been strengthened in major countries such as Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, based on legal grounds such as the Media Act, the Anti-Terrorism Act, and the Cyber-Terrorism Act, with Shariah as the foundation. It is applied to the media as a higher-level notion of the law to govern freedom and expression since Islamic religious principles and norms must not be breached.

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8레바논 내 시리아 난민 교육 정책의 한계

저자 : 이경수 ( Kyungsoo Lee )

발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 205-232 (28 pages)

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The right to education of Syrian refugee children living in Lebanon is one of the fundamental human rights, especially in the crisis. Ten years after the Syrian crisis, 58% of Syrian refugee children living in Lebanon do not have the right to education. This study pointed out these problems and described the limitations of the RACE(Reaching All Children with Education) program, one of the efforts of the Lebanese government to solve it, as follows. First, the Lebanese government and UNHCR established policies without researching the current status of Syrian refugees or the educational environment of Lebanon and Syria. Second, the Lebanese government's unwillingness to accept Syrians as refugees and its strict regulations against them since 2014 negatively affect the Education of Syrian refugee children. However, this study tries to point out that Lebanon's refugee policy should be understood through the history of Palestinian refugees and the Syrian army in Lebanese territory.

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9페르시아어에서 보어의 서법 실현과 그 선택에 대한 소고

저자 : 허세문 ( Semoon Hoe ) , 곽새라 ( Saera Kwak )

발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 233-266 (34 pages)

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This paper investigates (verbal) mood choice in complement clauses in Persian. It is widely accepted that in various languages, doxastic predicates select an indicative complement while bouletic predicates select a subjunctive complement. Departing from this, however, it is pointed out that various predicates in Persian do not follow such a general tendency; hence an alternative syntactic based approach should be pursued. Given this tension, this paper put forth an idea to show how exceptional properties of verbal choice in Persian can be explained in terms of generally motivated semantic approaches. By doing so, several novel data are presented considering various discourse factors as well as the semantics of doxastic predicates and their complement types. Taken together, it is also briefly discussed how the syntactic based approach can be developed to cover a new pair of data.

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10칼릴라와 딤나와 백유경 비교연구

저자 : 이동은 ( Lee Dong-eun )

발행기관 : 한국이슬람학회 간행물 : 한국이슬람학회 논총 32권 2호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 267-290 (24 pages)

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This is a comparative study of Kalīlah wa Dimnah, an Arabic classic literature and Baekyoo-Kyung, one of Buddhist scriptures according to narrative elements focusing on two couple of same plot stories and five couple of similar plot stories. Kalīlah wa Dimnah shows the common morals and Baekyoo-Kyung shows the teachings of Buddhism whether the plots are same or similar. In the aspect of narrative devices, Kalīlah wa Dimnah includes the teachings in frame stories while Baekyoo-Kyung includes the teachings in two leveled structure. This study investigates the features of settlement of Indian fables in each different cultural and religious background.

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