In the tenth month of 1644, when the Qing (淸) Dynasty adopted the Siheon calendar (時憲曆, Shixianli) and pronounced the calendar of the following year, it affected the situation of the calendar in Joseon. Given the tributary relation with the Qing, Joseon had no choice other than to adopt it, and thus the main effort of the Joseon government had to be exerted in learning the calculation method of the Siheon calendar. Yet, in reality the situation was extremely complicated. The discussions about the calendar at the Joseon court did not proceed smoothly and in one direction. There were various differences in the details of the specific positions, understanding, perception, and intentions of the king, the officials, and various offices including the Astronomical Bureau. As a result, the discussion proceeded in a very complicated way, running through twists and turns, repeating misunderstanding, distortions, reversions, and regressions. In this article, while tracing the discussions on the calendar at the Joseon court based on such chronological records as Silrok (實錄) and Seungjeongwon il-gi (承政院日記), I will show differences and changes in the thoughts and attitudes of various individuals towards the Siheon calendar, and will point out some notable and questionable points regarding the situation surrounding the adoption of it.

This research aims to examine how research on oyster mushroom cultivation has evolved in South Korea. Since the 1950s, national interest in mushrooms rose sharply, but oyster mushrooms did not attract enough attention. Some researchers jumped into scientific research one after another to achieve artificial cultivation of oyster mushrooms. Although they presented knowledge of the cultivation based on the advanced technology introduced from Japan, it did not resonate in the country. On the other hand, only KIM Sam Soon, who joined late in the late 1960s, produced research on oyster mushrooms that had a social ripple effect enough to arouse the government's interest. The Rural Development Administration was motivated by her scientific achievement and began practical research to distribute the mushrooms in earnest. By the mid-1970s, they rapidly emerged as one of the top three edible mushrooms in South Korea. Then why did her belated scientific research serve as an opportunity to spread the cultivation of oyster mushrooms despite the cases of visible results in their cultivation ahead of KIM? This study will focus on KIM Sam Soon's scientific research and its ripple, which have become a breakthrough in oyster mushroom cultivation in South Korea.

In the 19th century, the England society developed negative perception of machines that could replace human physical labor whereas it did not have a similar attitude towards machines that could replace mental labor such as 'calculating machines.' The word 'intelligent machine' began to appear in the England society after the advent of Charles Babbage's calculating machine embodying some of human mental activities. However, the term initially meant greedy aristocrats or working-class people without progressive attitude and willpower. And the meaning was gradually expanded to include passive and uncritical human beings in England. In this situation, Babbage wanted to position his calculating machine as an 'engine' rather than a 'machine' and the England society accepted Babbage's machine as an 'intelligent automaton' rather than as an 'intelligent machine.' Technophilic imagination continued about intelligent automatons during this period, but technophobic concerns did not appear. This study examines the meaning of intelligent machines in Victorian culture by analyzing England newspaper materials and satirical magazine Punch published in the early 19th century to the early 20th century. Technical terms can be used as a metaphor to refer to various elements and phenomena in society. When we pay attention to the meaning of science and technology terms, we will be able to understand our society's perception and attitude toward science and technology anew.

Byeonglitongron (病理通論, General Theory of Pathology), published in 1902 by the Hakbu (Ministry of Education) was the first modern pathology textbook translated and published in Korea. Byeonglitongron was also published by the Hwangsungjejungwon (Severance Hospital) in 1907, which suggests Byeonglitongron was a key textbook in medical education. The Korean version of Byeonglitongron presented the core modern pathological knowledge for infectious diseases. Analysis on the preface of the Korean version of Byeonglitongron (1902) showed that the book was a retranslation of the Japanese version of Byeonglitongron. Japanese version was compiled and translated by Yamada Ryosyuku and Hasegawa Junchiro from German pathology books, mainly from lecture notes of Erwin von Bälz and the pathology books of Julius Friedrich Cohnheim. Byeonglitongron, a textbook in Uihakgyo (the first government modern medical school) and Severance Hospital, showed the early transfer of modern medical knowledge from Germany to Japan, and in turn, Korea. In particular, since the first volume of Japanese version of Byeonglitongron was mainly based on the lecture notes of Bälz, it can be said that German pathology knowledge had a significant influence on the formation of early modern pathology knowledge in Korea through Bälz.

Since the first cholera pandemic in 1817, cholera was major international concern in terms of both health and commerce. At the same time, cholera was considered inherently 'oriental' by Europeans. After World War I, International Sanitary Convention adopted in 1911 needed revision in light of changing global power dynamics and medical knowledge. By this time, Japan rose as significant power in international politics, as well as in medical domains. In 1926 International Sanitary Conference, Japan requested special consideration on Far East, claiming previous convention was Eurocentric. Also Japan argued most of epidemic in Japanese empire was imported from other nations, specifically China. Effectively separating them from rest of the Far East. Experiences from colonies helped Japanese delegates in conference with necessary scientific data. Mass vaccination during 1919-20 cholera epidemic in Korea with large follow-up data on effectiveness of vaccination made significant impression on other deligates, in turn, helped Japan to implement their agenda in 1926 International Sanitary convention. This shows how medical knowledge produced in colony was represented in international domain, and utilized colony as 'laboratory.'

The Japanese Government General of Korea used colonial Korea as food and military resource for Japan and as a barrier to the livestock infectious diseases from China. Therefore the colonial livestock sanitary policies focused on quarantine-based disease prevention. Unlike colonies in India, Africa, and America, where the European powers formed colonies the Korean Peninsula was close to Japan. The epizootics in Korea created an invisible boundary between the empire and the colony. Colonial livestock animals were considered inferior beings at risk of infection and contamination that needed improvement. Humans in the colony were passively incorporated into the livestock quarantine system. Korean Peninsula served as a test site for new systems such as the double quarantine system and rinderpest immune zone, and technologies developed in Japan, such as the immune serum and vaccines. Japan forcibly transplanted livestock sanitary regulations on the Korean Peninsula but the benefits were limited in enhancing the colony's capabilities in preventing livestock infectious diseases. Colonial Korea could not secure the necessary veterinarians according to its own needs, nor could it get an opportunity to cultivate related professionals. Therefore, colonial veterinary medicine and livestock sanitary policy were established with limited success in preventing epizootics during the colonial period.