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명청사학회> 명청사연구> 광해군(光海君)의 즉위 환경과 명(明)의 존재

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광해군(光海君)의 즉위 환경과 명(明)의 존재

The Environment of King Gwanghae’s coronation and the Ming Dynasty

한명기 ( Han Myung-gi )
  • : 명청사학회
  • : 명청사연구 56권0호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2021년 10월
  • : 223-266(44pages)
명청사연구

DOI


목차

Ⅰ. 머리말
Ⅱ. 임진왜란과 광해군의 위상 제고
Ⅲ. 선조의 견제와 명의 태도 변화, 광해군의 위기
Ⅳ. 광해군 즉위 무렵의 明의 압박
Ⅴ. 맺음말

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Prince Gwanghae met the Imjin War in 1592 as he became the Crown Prince while being the second son of a concubine of his father, the King Seonjo. After that, he led war cabinet and toured Hamgyeong-do, Gangwon-do, Hwanghae-do, Pyeongan-do, and Jeolla-do, leading the war and playing a major role in pacifying public sentiment. Prince Gwanghae's popularity was bound to rise as his father Seonjo did not play a significant role in overcoming the war as he fled to Uiju at the beginning of the war. For this reason, the Ming military commanders at the time regarded Seonjo as incompetent and demanded his resignation. On the other hand, they praised prince Gwanghae's ability and emphasized that Prince Gwanghae should be crowned king, replacing Seonjo.
Seonjo, who was in crisis, declared that he would resign himself. However, this was merely a false gesture to test the loyalty of his subordinates and a means to keep Prince Gwanghae in check.
The Ming commanders praised the Prince, but the Ming government refused to recognize Prince Gwanghae as the crown prince because he was King Seonjo's second son. Under such circumstances, when King Seonjo remarried and Grand Prince Yeongchang was born, Gwanghae faced a major political crisis. The officials of the royal court of Choseon colluded with King Seonjo and plotted to have Grand Prince Yeongchang ascend to the throne instead of Prince Gwanghae.
When King Seonjo died suddenly in 1608, Prince Gwanghae ascended to the throne. However, the Ming court still did not recognize him as king. In addition, they sent Yan-I kui and others as envoys under the pretext of investigating the legitimacy of Gwanghae as the new king. Liaodong's warlord Lee-Cheng liang also attempted to attack Choseon under the pretext that King Gwanghae's authority was not approved by the Ming dynasty. King Gwanghae, in crisis, provided huge amounts of silver to Yan-I kui and others to eliminate any further attempts to challenge his authority. And in 1609, he finally received an official investiture from the Ming dynasty as the new king of Choseon.
The time when Prince Gwanghae became king was a time when the Ming dynasty's influence on Choseon had grown tremendously. This was because Choseon, who had been hit by the Imjin War, got out of the crisis with military aid from the Ming. However, after the Japanese invasion, the Ming dynasty showed a volatile attitude to Prince Gwanghae and tried to tame him. Because of this, Prince Gwanghae had both fear and antipathy towards Ming. It is in this background that King Gwanghae's differing attitudes in regards to Ming can be understood.

UCI(KEPA)

I410-ECN-0102-2022-900-000904177

간행물정보

  • : 인문과학분야  > 동양사
  • : KCI등재
  • :
  • : 반년간
  • : 1598-2017
  • : 2733-9734
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 1992-2021
  • : 512


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저자 : 장시은 ( Jang , Si-eun

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 1-22 (22 pages)

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Catalogue of the Pei-T'ang Library by Hubert Verhaeren of Congregatio Missionis is a catalogue of a large collection of books that came into China through Jesuits during Ming and Qing Dynasty. Catalogue illustrates the needs of Jesuits and the interest of the Chinese scholars and the Emperor who request them. This book collection are an important medium for the East-West Exchanges of the Texts. In this Article, I limited the scope to the Western Classical Texts (i.e. Greco-Roman Texts). Drawing on a bibliometric and philological analysis of the canonical Classical Texts in the Catalogue, this study figures out the reception of the Western Intellectual Culture in Ming and Qing Dynasty. The main proportion of the Catalogue is Christian and Theological Texts, but there are still remarkable copies of important Classical authors revived through the Renaissance. These texts are the basis of the humanistic education in Western schools, and once entered China, influenced the Chinese scholars. Jiao you lun (交友論) of Matteo Ricci, Minlitan(名理探) of Furtado and Lizhizao(李之藻), and Kuangyi(况义) of Trigault is an example of the translation of the Classics into Chinese.

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2프톨레마이오스의 『테트라비블로스』의 아랍어 주석과 『天步眞原』

저자 : 곽문석 ( Kwak¸ Moon-seok )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 23-53 (31 pages)

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This paper is a study of the reception history of Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos in Asia, especially in China. The Tetrabiblos was translated into Chinese twice between the 14th and 17th centuries in the Ming dynasty. The first translation was Mingyi tianwenshu 明譯天文書 translated from a Arabic text. The second was Tianbu zhenyuan 天歩真原 translated from a Latin text. In this paper, I argue that the Tianbu zhenyuan and its Latin Vorlage was also influenced by Arabic astrological texts. As such an example, I will present the use of the terms such as “black bile”(heitan 黑痰), “yellow bile”(huangtan 黃痰), “life-bringing”(xuezhongzhiqi 血中之氣) and “phlegmatic”(baitan 白痰) in the Tianbu zhenyuan. These terms were used in the astrological context in the writings of Arab medieval astrologers such as Abu Ma'sar, Al-Qabīṣī and Al-Biruni. In conclusion, two ptolemaic texts translated in the Ming dynasty were influenced by arabic astrology. This paper will contribute to research into the reception history of Ptolemy not only in the medieval arabic and latin worlds but also in Eastern Asia.

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3명말(明末) 예수회 선교노선지형 재검토 ― 롱고바르도와 바뇨니를 중심으로 ―

저자 : 辛周炫 ( Sheen¸ Joo-hyun )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 55-85 (31 pages)

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This article aims to understand and bolster the recent historiographical trend of reassessing post-Ricci generation of Jesuit missionaries. It is crucial for better sense of missionary geography of Late Ming, in particular, to distance from dichotomy between Pro-Riccian Jesuits and Anti-Riccians. The article suggests to historicize the missionary stance of post-Ricci generation in Late Ming period. Textual analyses of Vagnoni's Jiaoyao jielue around the Nanjing Persecution in 1616 and that of Longobardo's Short Answers in 1623 close to the period of Jiading Conference in 1627, they reveal the coexistence of both transformation and continuation of Ricci's accommodation strategy. By and large, Longobardo and Vagnoni shared the legacy of their formal leader Ricci, particularly his missionary vision. However, Longobardo insisted significantly disparate from Ricci when it comes to the matter of compatibility between Confucianism and Catholicism. Although it is necessary to correct a fixated understanding on Longobardo's stance as an Anti-Riccian Jesuit, but beyond that, it is also true that the two showed a notable disparity in practicing Jesuit accommodationism in China.

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4예수회 선교사 안드라데(António de Andrade)의 선교활동과 티베트 인식

저자 : 崔炳旭 ( Choi¸ Byung-wook )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 87-117 (31 pages)

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The reason why Father António de Andrade was able to engage in missionary activities with the full support of the king of Guge in western Tibet where Tibetan Buddhism was dominant was because of the political and religious background in which there was a sharp confrontation between the Guge throne and Gelugpa Temple forces. But Andrade's missionary activities ultimately failed in Ngari, Tibet.
The first reason behind the failed missionary activities of Andrade in Tibet is likely because of the religious, political and natural circumstances of the Ngari region of Tibet. Ngari is the birthplace of the primitive religion of Tibet and the place where the later revival of Tibetan Buddhism began. Due to the traditional thoughts and Buddhist cultures, it was difficult for missionaries to spread the Christian gospel in a short period of time. Furthermore, preaching Christianity made conflicts with the existing secular forces and religious forces even fiercer, thus ending up in the failure of missionary activities. Moreover, it was difficult for missionaries to adapt to the climate of Tibet, making evangelism even harder.
The second reason why missionary activities in Tibet failed was because of the situation of missionary activities and the method of its evangelism. Andrade worked hard alone at Tsaparang for a long period of time, but he later returned to Goa, India and took on the position of chair of the Society of Jesus in Goa, and was thus unable to focus solely on the Tsaparang mission. Furthermore, the missionary method focusing on the royal family was another cause for accelerating failure of their missionary activities. Furthermore, missionaries criticized Tibetan Buddhism and its priests based on bias and distortion about Buddhism, and it believed that Christianity could replace 'wrong' Buddhism in Tibet with the support of the king of Guge.
Anyways, Andrade created the cornerstone for the Society of Jesus missions to Tibet based in terms of cultural history for East-West exchange. Furthermore, he was the first European to visit the unknown Tibetan world and make it known to Europe, and he can be called the progenitor of western studies on Tibet. Andrade's missionary activities in Tibet became the platform for missions to the Ü-Tsang region, and it became the basis for Jesuits Estêvão Cacella and Juan Cabral to go on missions to the Shigatse region not long later. In the early 18th century, Jesuit Ippolito Desideri left many records while serving as missionaries to Lhasa, Tibet. The records he left behind on Tibet was much more objective and factual than Andrade's records, thus being important data for understanding the situation of the times. Such missionary activities of Desideri followed Andrade, who pioneered the first mission to Tibet, and was because of the background in which the Society of Jesus tried to revive missions to Tibet.

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5'曆獄' (1664.9-1665.9)에 대한 재고찰 ― 淸朝 機密 司法 文書 『祕本檔』(narhūšaha bithe dangse)에 대한 분석을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 姜元黙 ( Kang¸ Won-mook )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 119-185 (67 pages)

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This article reexamined the so-called Calendar Case (liyu 曆獄, 1664.9-1665.9) by using narhūšaha bithe dangse [the secret Manchu document] and reconstructed the specific legal process, accusations against Xiyang individuals, legal grounds for those accusations, and the Qing government's final judgement. This analysis reached the conclusion that although the final arbiter's intervention such as the imperial amnesty (enshe 恩赦), which could override the regular judicial process, was able to save missionaries and Christians from severe punishment, the results of the judicial process still remained valid. Those results included: that in the first subcase triggered by Yang's petition entitled “To Exterminate Heretical Teachings”, Christianity was pronounced to be heretical teaching; in the second subcase, concerning Prince Rong's burial, those involved were judged guilty of High Treason (dani 大逆); and in the third subcase, concerning the Old-New methods conflict, the Qing authorities acknowledged at least five of the Xiyang missionaries' actions against the Old method to be illegal.
This chapter also spotlighted several historical facts: First, in Subcase 1, for the charges of Plotting Treason (moupan 謀叛) and High Treason, the Qing centre did not acknowledge from the very beginning of the legal process; Second, also in Subcase 1, although it was according to the statute of Zao yaoshu yaoyan 造妖書妖言 [Writing Books on Sorcery or Speaking about Sorcery] that Christianity was announced heretical teachings, in enforcing punishment the statute of Jinzhi shiwu xieshu 禁止師巫邪術 [Prohibition Concerning Sorcerers and Sorceress] was employed; Third, during the Calendar Case, in adjusting the penalty weight for the bannerman the Qing government relied on the decision of the 13th year of the Shunzhi Reign, not the decision of the 18th year of the Shunzhi Reign, and that was because the Qing Code at the point of the judgement contained the decision of the 13th year of the Shunzhi Reign, not the decision of the 18th year of the Shunzhi Reign; Fourth, the proceedings of the Calendar Case revealed the Qing Empire's future policy orientations regarding the Xiyang affairs and that quite consistent tendency in the orientation was not merely the product of any individual ruler, but rather the result of a collective decision making by the ruling group from a long term perspective for their empire; Fifth, although the Calendar Case appeared in the form of anti-Christian incident, the essence of that incident, in fact, resided in anti-foreign sentiments and Han-centrism engrained deeply in Han Chinese society, which would explode into anti-Manchuism, or even Han nationalism, if some conditions are met.

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619세기 영중교류와 '과학 만들기' ― 영국 약재 연구자의 중국 본초서 수용을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 安洙英 ( An¸ Soo-young )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 187-221 (35 pages)

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In the 19th century, British herbalist Daniel Hanbury made remarkable achievement in the research on Chinese materia medica. This essay pays attention to the philological practice that Hanbury took, and examines how he and his contemporaries availed themselves of the Chinese bencao books, such as Bencao gangmu, as well as the previous natural historical writings of Jesuit missionaries and how they evaluated the textual sources. Although Hanbury consulted various literatures, he was greatly selective in using them and chose not to quote the words. Even while still succeeding the tradition of natural history in collecting, translating, and reading foreign knowledge, he tried to ensure the 'scientific' sincerity of knowledge by putting to the fore a new method of experimentation and observation conducted directly on things. His ambivalent attitude toward the textual materials as a reliable source of knowledge is manifest in such a contradictory research practice, which reflects the trajectory of the 19th-century British science. Therefore, the exchange of natural knowledge between China and the West in the 19th century should be understood in the context where the 'new men of science' engaged in the act of setting up the boundary of the Others to which the knowledge from the past and from the foreign lands awere supposed to belong as the urge toward formation of modern science and 'the scientific' overwhelmed.

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7광해군(光海君)의 즉위 환경과 명(明)의 존재

저자 : 한명기 ( Han Myung-gi )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 223-266 (44 pages)

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Prince Gwanghae met the Imjin War in 1592 as he became the Crown Prince while being the second son of a concubine of his father, the King Seonjo. After that, he led war cabinet and toured Hamgyeong-do, Gangwon-do, Hwanghae-do, Pyeongan-do, and Jeolla-do, leading the war and playing a major role in pacifying public sentiment. Prince Gwanghae's popularity was bound to rise as his father Seonjo did not play a significant role in overcoming the war as he fled to Uiju at the beginning of the war. For this reason, the Ming military commanders at the time regarded Seonjo as incompetent and demanded his resignation. On the other hand, they praised prince Gwanghae's ability and emphasized that Prince Gwanghae should be crowned king, replacing Seonjo.
Seonjo, who was in crisis, declared that he would resign himself. However, this was merely a false gesture to test the loyalty of his subordinates and a means to keep Prince Gwanghae in check.
The Ming commanders praised the Prince, but the Ming government refused to recognize Prince Gwanghae as the crown prince because he was King Seonjo's second son. Under such circumstances, when King Seonjo remarried and Grand Prince Yeongchang was born, Gwanghae faced a major political crisis. The officials of the royal court of Choseon colluded with King Seonjo and plotted to have Grand Prince Yeongchang ascend to the throne instead of Prince Gwanghae.
When King Seonjo died suddenly in 1608, Prince Gwanghae ascended to the throne. However, the Ming court still did not recognize him as king. In addition, they sent Yan-I kui and others as envoys under the pretext of investigating the legitimacy of Gwanghae as the new king. Liaodong's warlord Lee-Cheng liang also attempted to attack Choseon under the pretext that King Gwanghae's authority was not approved by the Ming dynasty. King Gwanghae, in crisis, provided huge amounts of silver to Yan-I kui and others to eliminate any further attempts to challenge his authority. And in 1609, he finally received an official investiture from the Ming dynasty as the new king of Choseon.
The time when Prince Gwanghae became king was a time when the Ming dynasty's influence on Choseon had grown tremendously. This was because Choseon, who had been hit by the Imjin War, got out of the crisis with military aid from the Ming. However, after the Japanese invasion, the Ming dynasty showed a volatile attitude to Prince Gwanghae and tried to tame him. Because of this, Prince Gwanghae had both fear and antipathy towards Ming. It is in this background that King Gwanghae's differing attitudes in regards to Ming can be understood.

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8유배형의 시대와 발견(發遣) ― 청대(淸代) 형벌제도에서의 역할을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 김한밝 ( Kim¸ Hanbark )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 267-297 (31 pages)

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From the point of view of the punishment system, Qing era was an era of exile. Exile punishments were executed more widely than ever before, from ordinary exile (liuxing), which is one of the five punishments, to military exile (chongjun), which was transformed same as ordinary exile, and penal servitude (tuxing), which served as intra-provincial exile. In addition to that, there was deportation (faqian) established in the Qing dynasty. Deportation was a punishment for sending criminals to remote areas such as the northeast, Xinjiang, and southwest regions to respond to follow-up measures such as forced labor, cultivation, and slavery. It had an aspect different from other exile punishments. In particular, unlike criminals who were exiled to China proper tended to make a living on their own, criminals of deportation had to do their assigned works. I revealed that deportation was being used flexibly and responding to the demands of the era of exile.
In this study, I analyzed the nature of the crime that was set to be punished with deportation. Looking at the code of 1680, it is confirmed that there were two functions in deportation, to punish bannerman criminals and to replenish slaves by criminals. However, as it was linked with the change of the situation in the northeast region, only the non-bannerman people were changed to exile to the southwest region. In such a situation, Qing conquered Xinjiang. There was a demand for labor in Xinjiang, and there was also an overabundance of exiles in China proper. Therefore, Xinjiang began to actively used as a new place for settling exiles. However, as in the northeast region in the past, the issue of exiles arose in Xinjiang, and the exiled criminals were sent to southwest again.
What can be confirmed from the above process is that, unlike the fixed system of exile in China proper, deportation was used flexibly according to its needs and circumstances. Paradoxically, deportation could be used flexibly because it was not systematized. Military exile and ordinary exile had already settled as punishment according to distance, and there was relatively little room for arbitrariness in this. However, deportation lacked unity in follow-up measures and the place of exile, so there was room for application according to the situation. Internally, deportation was able to distribute the pressure of exiles in China proper, and externally, it was possible to respond to the needs of the border region.

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9清帝國과 티베트 活佛 ― 쑴빠켄포의 사례로 본 清代 內陸아시아의 活佛制度 ―

저자 : 金漢雄 ( Kim¸ Han-ung )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 299-333 (35 pages)

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The reincarnation system of Tibetan Buddhism (Tib. sprul sku) has played an important role not only religiously but also politically in the relationship between Tibet and its neighbors. During the Qing times too, the significance of the reincarnation system continued to increase due to many reasons such as Qing imperial family's support for Tibetan Buddhism and Qing's advance into Inner Asia. Former studies on the reincarnation system tended to analyze it mainly from the perspective of the central authorities of the Qing dynasty. This study, however, attempts to deal with the topic from a different angle by using Tibetan source materials. In so doing it is hoped that this study can contribute to more advanced understanding of Qing's management of Inner Asia.
The reincarnation system of Tibetan Buddhism originated from concepts of Buddhism and became a means of political and economic succession in the Tibetan society from the thirteenth century. During the Qing times, the system gained its popularity throughout Inner Asian territories and its abuse and malfunction began to be criticized by authorities such as the Qianlong (乾隆) emperor in his Discourse on Tibetan Lamas (喇嘛說). Meanwhile, an autobiography of Sumpa Khenpo Yeshe Penjor (1704~1788), who was an incarnate lama himself and active participant in formation of the system, provides another side of details about the developmental aspects of the reincarnation system during the Qianlong times. In sum, local powers began to appropriate the reincarnation system for their own purpose at first, but it began to be taken away by the newly emerging authority of Mongol-Gelug alliance. After some self-purification efforts by Tibetan Buddhist figures, the system finally became under the umbrella of the Qing authority. This is one aspect of a historical development of Inner Asia during the Qing times that can be reconstructed only by Tibetan sources, materials that are abundant but still wait to be explored further.

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1019세기 초반 호서관(滸墅關)의 세수 결손 문제와 해결 방안 모색

저자 : 李相勳 ( Lee¸ Sang-houn )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 335-376 (42 pages)

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This study examines the discussions and practices of the emperor and officials of the Qing dynasty on the issues of the tax deficit at Xushuguan(滸墅關) in the early 19th century. This identified the process by which Qing dynasty adhered to the existing legal shipping route, although the tax deficit at Xushuguan resulted from a change in the transportation of taxable goods and hence required a response through a revision to the legal transportation.
There were different views about the cause of the tax deficit at Xushuguan at that time. The central government of the Qing dynasty conceived that the merchants deviated from the legal transportation routes to avoid the exploitation by the corrupt tax officers at Changguan(常關). On the contrary, the Changguan considered that the transportation routes of the goods subject to taxation were inevitably modified because of the changes of the economic environment. Due to the different viewpoints, Chubilun(除弊論) and Biantonglun(變通論) were developed by the two groups. Chubilun was focused on the elimination of the corruption of the tax officers at Changguan, to crackdown the trade of the goods subject to taxation out of the legal transportation routes. Biantonglun, based on the view that the transportation routes of the goods subject to taxation had to be modified due to the changes of the economic environment, argued that the existing legal transportation routes should be modified for taxation according to the changes.
While there was a heated competition between the two arguments about how to solve the tax deficit at Xushuguan, the central government of the Qing dynasty partially adopted Biantonglun in the early years of Emperor Daoguang(道光) in relation to solve the problem. However, as the tax deficit at Xushuguan continued even until the middle of Emperor Daoguang's reign and a series of corruption cases of the tax officers at Xushuguan were uncovered, the measures based on the Biantonglun in the early years of Emperor Daoguang were eventually cancelled.
To solve the problem, the legal transport route of the goods subject to taxation should be changed to legalize the transportation through the sea route and impose tax on that. However, the strong perception that the problem of the tax deficit at Xushuguan was all caused by the corruption of the tax officers, and Biantonglun, a solution based on it, blocked it, and the tax deficit continued. 'Perception' and 'solution' of the issue of the tax deficit at Changguan were the 'variables' that continued the problem.

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1명ㆍ청대 서양고전 문헌들의 유입 ― 『북당(北堂)도서관 도서 목록』을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 장시은 ( Jang , Si-eun

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 1-22 (22 pages)

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Catalogue of the Pei-T'ang Library by Hubert Verhaeren of Congregatio Missionis is a catalogue of a large collection of books that came into China through Jesuits during Ming and Qing Dynasty. Catalogue illustrates the needs of Jesuits and the interest of the Chinese scholars and the Emperor who request them. This book collection are an important medium for the East-West Exchanges of the Texts. In this Article, I limited the scope to the Western Classical Texts (i.e. Greco-Roman Texts). Drawing on a bibliometric and philological analysis of the canonical Classical Texts in the Catalogue, this study figures out the reception of the Western Intellectual Culture in Ming and Qing Dynasty. The main proportion of the Catalogue is Christian and Theological Texts, but there are still remarkable copies of important Classical authors revived through the Renaissance. These texts are the basis of the humanistic education in Western schools, and once entered China, influenced the Chinese scholars. Jiao you lun (交友論) of Matteo Ricci, Minlitan(名理探) of Furtado and Lizhizao(李之藻), and Kuangyi(况义) of Trigault is an example of the translation of the Classics into Chinese.

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2프톨레마이오스의 『테트라비블로스』의 아랍어 주석과 『天步眞原』

저자 : 곽문석 ( Kwak¸ Moon-seok )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 23-53 (31 pages)

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This paper is a study of the reception history of Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos in Asia, especially in China. The Tetrabiblos was translated into Chinese twice between the 14th and 17th centuries in the Ming dynasty. The first translation was Mingyi tianwenshu 明譯天文書 translated from a Arabic text. The second was Tianbu zhenyuan 天歩真原 translated from a Latin text. In this paper, I argue that the Tianbu zhenyuan and its Latin Vorlage was also influenced by Arabic astrological texts. As such an example, I will present the use of the terms such as “black bile”(heitan 黑痰), “yellow bile”(huangtan 黃痰), “life-bringing”(xuezhongzhiqi 血中之氣) and “phlegmatic”(baitan 白痰) in the Tianbu zhenyuan. These terms were used in the astrological context in the writings of Arab medieval astrologers such as Abu Ma'sar, Al-Qabīṣī and Al-Biruni. In conclusion, two ptolemaic texts translated in the Ming dynasty were influenced by arabic astrology. This paper will contribute to research into the reception history of Ptolemy not only in the medieval arabic and latin worlds but also in Eastern Asia.

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3명말(明末) 예수회 선교노선지형 재검토 ― 롱고바르도와 바뇨니를 중심으로 ―

저자 : 辛周炫 ( Sheen¸ Joo-hyun )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 55-85 (31 pages)

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This article aims to understand and bolster the recent historiographical trend of reassessing post-Ricci generation of Jesuit missionaries. It is crucial for better sense of missionary geography of Late Ming, in particular, to distance from dichotomy between Pro-Riccian Jesuits and Anti-Riccians. The article suggests to historicize the missionary stance of post-Ricci generation in Late Ming period. Textual analyses of Vagnoni's Jiaoyao jielue around the Nanjing Persecution in 1616 and that of Longobardo's Short Answers in 1623 close to the period of Jiading Conference in 1627, they reveal the coexistence of both transformation and continuation of Ricci's accommodation strategy. By and large, Longobardo and Vagnoni shared the legacy of their formal leader Ricci, particularly his missionary vision. However, Longobardo insisted significantly disparate from Ricci when it comes to the matter of compatibility between Confucianism and Catholicism. Although it is necessary to correct a fixated understanding on Longobardo's stance as an Anti-Riccian Jesuit, but beyond that, it is also true that the two showed a notable disparity in practicing Jesuit accommodationism in China.

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4예수회 선교사 안드라데(António de Andrade)의 선교활동과 티베트 인식

저자 : 崔炳旭 ( Choi¸ Byung-wook )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 87-117 (31 pages)

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The reason why Father António de Andrade was able to engage in missionary activities with the full support of the king of Guge in western Tibet where Tibetan Buddhism was dominant was because of the political and religious background in which there was a sharp confrontation between the Guge throne and Gelugpa Temple forces. But Andrade's missionary activities ultimately failed in Ngari, Tibet.
The first reason behind the failed missionary activities of Andrade in Tibet is likely because of the religious, political and natural circumstances of the Ngari region of Tibet. Ngari is the birthplace of the primitive religion of Tibet and the place where the later revival of Tibetan Buddhism began. Due to the traditional thoughts and Buddhist cultures, it was difficult for missionaries to spread the Christian gospel in a short period of time. Furthermore, preaching Christianity made conflicts with the existing secular forces and religious forces even fiercer, thus ending up in the failure of missionary activities. Moreover, it was difficult for missionaries to adapt to the climate of Tibet, making evangelism even harder.
The second reason why missionary activities in Tibet failed was because of the situation of missionary activities and the method of its evangelism. Andrade worked hard alone at Tsaparang for a long period of time, but he later returned to Goa, India and took on the position of chair of the Society of Jesus in Goa, and was thus unable to focus solely on the Tsaparang mission. Furthermore, the missionary method focusing on the royal family was another cause for accelerating failure of their missionary activities. Furthermore, missionaries criticized Tibetan Buddhism and its priests based on bias and distortion about Buddhism, and it believed that Christianity could replace 'wrong' Buddhism in Tibet with the support of the king of Guge.
Anyways, Andrade created the cornerstone for the Society of Jesus missions to Tibet based in terms of cultural history for East-West exchange. Furthermore, he was the first European to visit the unknown Tibetan world and make it known to Europe, and he can be called the progenitor of western studies on Tibet. Andrade's missionary activities in Tibet became the platform for missions to the Ü-Tsang region, and it became the basis for Jesuits Estêvão Cacella and Juan Cabral to go on missions to the Shigatse region not long later. In the early 18th century, Jesuit Ippolito Desideri left many records while serving as missionaries to Lhasa, Tibet. The records he left behind on Tibet was much more objective and factual than Andrade's records, thus being important data for understanding the situation of the times. Such missionary activities of Desideri followed Andrade, who pioneered the first mission to Tibet, and was because of the background in which the Society of Jesus tried to revive missions to Tibet.

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5'曆獄' (1664.9-1665.9)에 대한 재고찰 ― 淸朝 機密 司法 文書 『祕本檔』(narhūšaha bithe dangse)에 대한 분석을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 姜元黙 ( Kang¸ Won-mook )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 119-185 (67 pages)

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This article reexamined the so-called Calendar Case (liyu 曆獄, 1664.9-1665.9) by using narhūšaha bithe dangse [the secret Manchu document] and reconstructed the specific legal process, accusations against Xiyang individuals, legal grounds for those accusations, and the Qing government's final judgement. This analysis reached the conclusion that although the final arbiter's intervention such as the imperial amnesty (enshe 恩赦), which could override the regular judicial process, was able to save missionaries and Christians from severe punishment, the results of the judicial process still remained valid. Those results included: that in the first subcase triggered by Yang's petition entitled “To Exterminate Heretical Teachings”, Christianity was pronounced to be heretical teaching; in the second subcase, concerning Prince Rong's burial, those involved were judged guilty of High Treason (dani 大逆); and in the third subcase, concerning the Old-New methods conflict, the Qing authorities acknowledged at least five of the Xiyang missionaries' actions against the Old method to be illegal.
This chapter also spotlighted several historical facts: First, in Subcase 1, for the charges of Plotting Treason (moupan 謀叛) and High Treason, the Qing centre did not acknowledge from the very beginning of the legal process; Second, also in Subcase 1, although it was according to the statute of Zao yaoshu yaoyan 造妖書妖言 [Writing Books on Sorcery or Speaking about Sorcery] that Christianity was announced heretical teachings, in enforcing punishment the statute of Jinzhi shiwu xieshu 禁止師巫邪術 [Prohibition Concerning Sorcerers and Sorceress] was employed; Third, during the Calendar Case, in adjusting the penalty weight for the bannerman the Qing government relied on the decision of the 13th year of the Shunzhi Reign, not the decision of the 18th year of the Shunzhi Reign, and that was because the Qing Code at the point of the judgement contained the decision of the 13th year of the Shunzhi Reign, not the decision of the 18th year of the Shunzhi Reign; Fourth, the proceedings of the Calendar Case revealed the Qing Empire's future policy orientations regarding the Xiyang affairs and that quite consistent tendency in the orientation was not merely the product of any individual ruler, but rather the result of a collective decision making by the ruling group from a long term perspective for their empire; Fifth, although the Calendar Case appeared in the form of anti-Christian incident, the essence of that incident, in fact, resided in anti-foreign sentiments and Han-centrism engrained deeply in Han Chinese society, which would explode into anti-Manchuism, or even Han nationalism, if some conditions are met.

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619세기 영중교류와 '과학 만들기' ― 영국 약재 연구자의 중국 본초서 수용을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 安洙英 ( An¸ Soo-young )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 187-221 (35 pages)

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In the 19th century, British herbalist Daniel Hanbury made remarkable achievement in the research on Chinese materia medica. This essay pays attention to the philological practice that Hanbury took, and examines how he and his contemporaries availed themselves of the Chinese bencao books, such as Bencao gangmu, as well as the previous natural historical writings of Jesuit missionaries and how they evaluated the textual sources. Although Hanbury consulted various literatures, he was greatly selective in using them and chose not to quote the words. Even while still succeeding the tradition of natural history in collecting, translating, and reading foreign knowledge, he tried to ensure the 'scientific' sincerity of knowledge by putting to the fore a new method of experimentation and observation conducted directly on things. His ambivalent attitude toward the textual materials as a reliable source of knowledge is manifest in such a contradictory research practice, which reflects the trajectory of the 19th-century British science. Therefore, the exchange of natural knowledge between China and the West in the 19th century should be understood in the context where the 'new men of science' engaged in the act of setting up the boundary of the Others to which the knowledge from the past and from the foreign lands awere supposed to belong as the urge toward formation of modern science and 'the scientific' overwhelmed.

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7광해군(光海君)의 즉위 환경과 명(明)의 존재

저자 : 한명기 ( Han Myung-gi )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 223-266 (44 pages)

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Prince Gwanghae met the Imjin War in 1592 as he became the Crown Prince while being the second son of a concubine of his father, the King Seonjo. After that, he led war cabinet and toured Hamgyeong-do, Gangwon-do, Hwanghae-do, Pyeongan-do, and Jeolla-do, leading the war and playing a major role in pacifying public sentiment. Prince Gwanghae's popularity was bound to rise as his father Seonjo did not play a significant role in overcoming the war as he fled to Uiju at the beginning of the war. For this reason, the Ming military commanders at the time regarded Seonjo as incompetent and demanded his resignation. On the other hand, they praised prince Gwanghae's ability and emphasized that Prince Gwanghae should be crowned king, replacing Seonjo.
Seonjo, who was in crisis, declared that he would resign himself. However, this was merely a false gesture to test the loyalty of his subordinates and a means to keep Prince Gwanghae in check.
The Ming commanders praised the Prince, but the Ming government refused to recognize Prince Gwanghae as the crown prince because he was King Seonjo's second son. Under such circumstances, when King Seonjo remarried and Grand Prince Yeongchang was born, Gwanghae faced a major political crisis. The officials of the royal court of Choseon colluded with King Seonjo and plotted to have Grand Prince Yeongchang ascend to the throne instead of Prince Gwanghae.
When King Seonjo died suddenly in 1608, Prince Gwanghae ascended to the throne. However, the Ming court still did not recognize him as king. In addition, they sent Yan-I kui and others as envoys under the pretext of investigating the legitimacy of Gwanghae as the new king. Liaodong's warlord Lee-Cheng liang also attempted to attack Choseon under the pretext that King Gwanghae's authority was not approved by the Ming dynasty. King Gwanghae, in crisis, provided huge amounts of silver to Yan-I kui and others to eliminate any further attempts to challenge his authority. And in 1609, he finally received an official investiture from the Ming dynasty as the new king of Choseon.
The time when Prince Gwanghae became king was a time when the Ming dynasty's influence on Choseon had grown tremendously. This was because Choseon, who had been hit by the Imjin War, got out of the crisis with military aid from the Ming. However, after the Japanese invasion, the Ming dynasty showed a volatile attitude to Prince Gwanghae and tried to tame him. Because of this, Prince Gwanghae had both fear and antipathy towards Ming. It is in this background that King Gwanghae's differing attitudes in regards to Ming can be understood.

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8유배형의 시대와 발견(發遣) ― 청대(淸代) 형벌제도에서의 역할을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 김한밝 ( Kim¸ Hanbark )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 267-297 (31 pages)

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From the point of view of the punishment system, Qing era was an era of exile. Exile punishments were executed more widely than ever before, from ordinary exile (liuxing), which is one of the five punishments, to military exile (chongjun), which was transformed same as ordinary exile, and penal servitude (tuxing), which served as intra-provincial exile. In addition to that, there was deportation (faqian) established in the Qing dynasty. Deportation was a punishment for sending criminals to remote areas such as the northeast, Xinjiang, and southwest regions to respond to follow-up measures such as forced labor, cultivation, and slavery. It had an aspect different from other exile punishments. In particular, unlike criminals who were exiled to China proper tended to make a living on their own, criminals of deportation had to do their assigned works. I revealed that deportation was being used flexibly and responding to the demands of the era of exile.
In this study, I analyzed the nature of the crime that was set to be punished with deportation. Looking at the code of 1680, it is confirmed that there were two functions in deportation, to punish bannerman criminals and to replenish slaves by criminals. However, as it was linked with the change of the situation in the northeast region, only the non-bannerman people were changed to exile to the southwest region. In such a situation, Qing conquered Xinjiang. There was a demand for labor in Xinjiang, and there was also an overabundance of exiles in China proper. Therefore, Xinjiang began to actively used as a new place for settling exiles. However, as in the northeast region in the past, the issue of exiles arose in Xinjiang, and the exiled criminals were sent to southwest again.
What can be confirmed from the above process is that, unlike the fixed system of exile in China proper, deportation was used flexibly according to its needs and circumstances. Paradoxically, deportation could be used flexibly because it was not systematized. Military exile and ordinary exile had already settled as punishment according to distance, and there was relatively little room for arbitrariness in this. However, deportation lacked unity in follow-up measures and the place of exile, so there was room for application according to the situation. Internally, deportation was able to distribute the pressure of exiles in China proper, and externally, it was possible to respond to the needs of the border region.

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9清帝國과 티베트 活佛 ― 쑴빠켄포의 사례로 본 清代 內陸아시아의 活佛制度 ―

저자 : 金漢雄 ( Kim¸ Han-ung )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 299-333 (35 pages)

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The reincarnation system of Tibetan Buddhism (Tib. sprul sku) has played an important role not only religiously but also politically in the relationship between Tibet and its neighbors. During the Qing times too, the significance of the reincarnation system continued to increase due to many reasons such as Qing imperial family's support for Tibetan Buddhism and Qing's advance into Inner Asia. Former studies on the reincarnation system tended to analyze it mainly from the perspective of the central authorities of the Qing dynasty. This study, however, attempts to deal with the topic from a different angle by using Tibetan source materials. In so doing it is hoped that this study can contribute to more advanced understanding of Qing's management of Inner Asia.
The reincarnation system of Tibetan Buddhism originated from concepts of Buddhism and became a means of political and economic succession in the Tibetan society from the thirteenth century. During the Qing times, the system gained its popularity throughout Inner Asian territories and its abuse and malfunction began to be criticized by authorities such as the Qianlong (乾隆) emperor in his Discourse on Tibetan Lamas (喇嘛說). Meanwhile, an autobiography of Sumpa Khenpo Yeshe Penjor (1704~1788), who was an incarnate lama himself and active participant in formation of the system, provides another side of details about the developmental aspects of the reincarnation system during the Qianlong times. In sum, local powers began to appropriate the reincarnation system for their own purpose at first, but it began to be taken away by the newly emerging authority of Mongol-Gelug alliance. After some self-purification efforts by Tibetan Buddhist figures, the system finally became under the umbrella of the Qing authority. This is one aspect of a historical development of Inner Asia during the Qing times that can be reconstructed only by Tibetan sources, materials that are abundant but still wait to be explored further.

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1019세기 초반 호서관(滸墅關)의 세수 결손 문제와 해결 방안 모색

저자 : 李相勳 ( Lee¸ Sang-houn )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 56권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 335-376 (42 pages)

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This study examines the discussions and practices of the emperor and officials of the Qing dynasty on the issues of the tax deficit at Xushuguan(滸墅關) in the early 19th century. This identified the process by which Qing dynasty adhered to the existing legal shipping route, although the tax deficit at Xushuguan resulted from a change in the transportation of taxable goods and hence required a response through a revision to the legal transportation.
There were different views about the cause of the tax deficit at Xushuguan at that time. The central government of the Qing dynasty conceived that the merchants deviated from the legal transportation routes to avoid the exploitation by the corrupt tax officers at Changguan(常關). On the contrary, the Changguan considered that the transportation routes of the goods subject to taxation were inevitably modified because of the changes of the economic environment. Due to the different viewpoints, Chubilun(除弊論) and Biantonglun(變通論) were developed by the two groups. Chubilun was focused on the elimination of the corruption of the tax officers at Changguan, to crackdown the trade of the goods subject to taxation out of the legal transportation routes. Biantonglun, based on the view that the transportation routes of the goods subject to taxation had to be modified due to the changes of the economic environment, argued that the existing legal transportation routes should be modified for taxation according to the changes.
While there was a heated competition between the two arguments about how to solve the tax deficit at Xushuguan, the central government of the Qing dynasty partially adopted Biantonglun in the early years of Emperor Daoguang(道光) in relation to solve the problem. However, as the tax deficit at Xushuguan continued even until the middle of Emperor Daoguang's reign and a series of corruption cases of the tax officers at Xushuguan were uncovered, the measures based on the Biantonglun in the early years of Emperor Daoguang were eventually cancelled.
To solve the problem, the legal transport route of the goods subject to taxation should be changed to legalize the transportation through the sea route and impose tax on that. However, the strong perception that the problem of the tax deficit at Xushuguan was all caused by the corruption of the tax officers, and Biantonglun, a solution based on it, blocked it, and the tax deficit continued. 'Perception' and 'solution' of the issue of the tax deficit at Changguan were the 'variables' that continued the problem.

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