This study analyzes the meaning of “gender equality” claimed by North Korean authorities under Kim Jong-il and his son Kim Jong-un. North Korean authorities enacted the Law on Gender Equality on July 30, 1946. Since then, North Korean authorities has claimed that all North Koreans―women and men―enjoy equal rights and has published articles re-lated to gender equality in Rodong Sinmun, North Korea's the most powerful newspaper, every year on July 30. The authors collected 420 cases of women's type by North Korean authorities from the articles in Rodong Sinmun and analyzed their meanings during the reigns of Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un. It was found that women's type that emphasized the Owner of the Country occurred the most in Rodong Sinmun. This means that North Korean authorities emphasized that women enjoy the same rights as men thanks to the Law on Gender Equality. Women's type that emphasized the Songun Ideologue, meaning that all related matters in the country were solved by military means first, occurred more often under Kim Jong-il than under Kim Jong-un. Women's type emphasized the Grand Family Holder of Socialist Society, meaning the state as the grand family of socialist fam-ily showed an increasing trend under Kim Jong-un. Based on this analysis, the themes these two leaders emphasized appeared to be reflected in women's type. However, how North Korean authorities perceives women has not changed markedly. The authorities still emphasizes that women can live happily by following the leader's commands.

This paper analyzes the 2018-2019 peace process between the two Koreas and the United States, relying on perceptional consociationalism. Perceptional consociationalism draws on consociational theory used in Northern Ireland to reach a peaceful agreement, with variables adjusted for the Korean case through the perceptional approach. The present paper qualitatively analyzes each summit using its different variables, i.e., the structure of the negotiation framework, the inclusion of and concessions by key actors, the respect of core interests, and tangible reduction of tensions. We conclude the negotiations collapsed due to the non-respect of the actors' core interests, that a multilateral framework would ensure sustainability, and that the Agreed Framework and the Good Friday Agreement could be used as blueprints for future negotiations.

This study examines the issues regarding the categorized migration policies of South Korea through the case of North Korean children born in a third country residing in South Korea. Despite being “legally” granted South Korean citizenship, third-country-born North Korean children (TCBNKC) have, in practice, not been fully accepted as members of Korean society from the broader theoretical perspective on citizenship. We claim that such exclusion from “full citizenship” originates from the group-based or categorized policy approach toward North Koreans and migrants in South Korea. We contend that a 'single comprehensive approach' is imperative as a policy alternative for rectifying the political and social marginalization of the TCBNKC caused by differentiated citizenship and categorical thinking about minorities.

This paper analyzes the impact of the emerging 'cyber-nuclear nexus' on the structural, constitutive, and institutional elements of the international security order to examine the possibility of changes in the stability of the order. Based on the analyses, the paper argues that the cyber-nuclear nexus causes or has the potential to cause changes in the stability of the order on three levels. First, there are signs of change in the unequal distribution of power between countries based on traditional military resources and the international hi-erarchy, in other words, the 'structural element' of the order is changing accordingly, as the vulnerability of conventional military resources to cyber threats increases due to the digitalization of military resources including nuclear weapons. Second, as the influence of non-state actors as the subject of cyber-nuclear threats is expanding, the 'constitutive ele-ment' of the order, which originally assumes the sovereign state as the only subject and object of security, is changing. Third, as the need for combining the non-proliferation/nu-clear security-related regimes and cyber security-related norms to manage the growing cyber-nuclear threats increases, changes are expected in the 'institutional element' of the order that is expressed through international institutions. Among the three, the changes in the structural and constitutive elements are accelerated as they interlock with the strategic competition between the U.S. and China that is already jeopardizing the stability of the existing order.

This study examined the characteristics of exposing Internet information during the Kim Jong-un reign, analyzing the material blocked in South Korea among Internet information directly and indirectly operated by North Korea for ten years from 2011 to 2020.
North Korea has used the global internet as an official propaganda medium. Unlike tradi-tional media outlets, it uses the internet for external propaganda, diplomatic functions, and counter-media warfare. Website types than SNS accounts are preferred. Among SNS, YouTube is used relatively more. The number of websites operating directly from servers in North Korea is steadily increasing, and the national code of North Korea 'KP' and na-tional initial 'DPRK' in Internet addresses are often found.
Internet information operated by North Korea is not well received by users and lags in content competitiveness due to restrictions on access rights for users and the hardening of information. Recently, some Internet information look softened, but to achieve the 'in-formatization' and 'globalization' that North Korea advocates, more efforts to expose itself on the Internet network if it wants to secure users.