Upon enthronement, Taejo faced a serial political uncertainties such as rebellion and regional breakaway. In order to cope with these internal insecurities and furthermore to consolidate his power, Taejo decided to move the capital to Gaegyeong. As a candidate for the capital, Gaeseong was favorable to him in many ways;First of all, it, being his base area, had preserved Baleocham wall which he had controled of. And it had kept the infrastructure of the capital which Gungye had built. These conditions firstly enabled him to save time and labor needed in building a city, and secondly exempted him from the burden of immigrating population.
Before the outer wall was built, the Gaegyeong City was composed of palatial city and imperial city. On the site of the Baleocham wall, the Gaegyeong City was built in a way the palatial city was added inside it. This way, unlike Changan and Luoyang, Gaegyeong City had a shape of the imperial city enclosing the palatial city. And a nothern wall running from the east to the west was introduced in the middle of the imperial city to protect the government offices and the palatial city positioned in the southern part of the imperial city.
The place of the palace was the northern part of the imperial city when the City was finally completed of the dual city system, the palatial city and the imperial city. Therefore, the shape of the City, similar to that of Changan. But place of the palace was center of Baleocham wall, so it was more akin to those of Zhouli or Kaifeng. Against the original plan, however, the building of the outer wall during the reign of Hyeonjong made the palatial city located at the northwest. And Gwanghwamun, the main gate of the City was designed to face the east. Given these, the City is a case which denies the application of the Chinese city styles. If forced to categorize it, it might be more appropriate to call it the Gaegyeong style.
The structure, landscape and function of the City had been changed in the course of time. In the wake of the introduction of Confucianism, the Buddhism based City was forced to accomodate Confucian academies. This, together with Guyodang, the Daoist facility built in the time of Taejo, created a favorable situation for pluralistic religions and thoughts for the City.

The ancestors of Wang Geon(王建) settled in Songak-gun(松嶽郡) area in the late Silla Dynasty and developed as a local power family(豪族). Wang Ryung(王隆), the father of WangGeon, obeyed Gung Ye(弓裔) and WangGeon also appeared on the stage of history. At the time, Wang Ryung's the sphere of influence did not greatly deviate the whole Songak-gun. After WangRyung started to obey GungYe, WangGeon grew up while receiving the trust of GongYe. The regionally based core of WangGeon at the time of Goryeo foundation was Songak-gun and the surrounding Gaeseong-gun(開 城郡), and Naju(羅州) was also an important regional base. In addition, WangGeon also had some regional foundations throughout the country, including Cheorwon(鐵圓), which is the capital of Taebong(泰封). However, it is hard to say that the power of WangGeon at the time of Goryeo foundation overpowered the power of Gung Ye. The basis of Wang Geon at the time of foundation cannot be determined with maritime powers.
Taejo(太祖) moved the capital for political stability shortly after foundation. The reason for transfer of capital to Gaegyeong(開京) was because it was the base of the Wang Geon power and because it was once the capital during the Gung Ye period, the facilities that were created at the time were available for use. Taejo transferred the capital to Songak(松嶽) was not because it was a great location based on the theory of PungSu(風水地理說). The theory of PungSu was emphasized during the process of justifying the status of capital change after transfer of the capital. After the transfer of the capital, it became the center of Goryeo's national operation. Afterwards, as the territory of Goryeo expanded, it was generally located in the center of Goryeo territory. Accordingly, it was possible to operate the country more efficiently than the precious dynasty.

This study is to examine the change of the urban area by the geographical category and the castle construction of the Goryeo Dynasty.
The understanding on the geographical category of Gaegyeong is connected to the geographical category of 'Gaeju', set up when moved the capital to Gaegyeong in 919 (2nd year of King Taejo). At the time, Gaeju was understood in the same concept with Gaegyeong, and the geographical category of Gaegyeong was comprehend by classified the terms such as 'Donae Sung-Dong Sung-Seo Sung-Nam Sung-Buk Dong-Gyo Seo-Gyo Nam-Gyo Buk-Gyo'. As a result, Gaegyeong [Gaeju] region was divided generally as 'Donae' including 'Gyo'. The geographical demarcation of Gaegyeong was changed newly and made more clear by the constructed the Outer Castle[Naseong] in 1029 (20th years of King Hyunjong).
The castle of Gaegyeong was operated under the system of Royal Castle[Gungseong] and Imperial Castle[Hwangseong] after the capital moved, and it would have been built based on the operating system of Later Goguryeo. The category of Royal Castle and Imperial Castle was the area of the palace and administration facilities. The category of Imperial Castle was divided into the category of Baleochamgseong at the time of King Gungye before Naseong construction, and then it seemed to reduced to the lower half since Naseong was constructed. The construction of Naseong was delayed by the Khitan's invasions in 1010 (1st year of King Hyunjong) and 1018 (9th year of King Hyunjong) since Naseong construction was discussed at first. It was actively promoted by Kang Gam-chan's suggestion, and then only completed in 1029 (20th year of King Hyunjong). The completion of Naseong made the regional classification clearly as 'Donae and Gyo' from inside and outside of the castle which had been ambiguous all the while.
The castle system, eventually, completed over about 100 years since the capital moved to Gaegyeong, was the completion of the National Capital City system that led to 'Donae-Gyo-Gyeonggi'. It was the foundation on maintaining the status of Gaegyeong even in the 'Multi-Capitals System' consisting of Gaegyeong Seogyeong Donggyeong Namgyeong.

The capital, where the king is located, is equipped with all the facilities and organizations necessary for the operation of the nation, including the royal family. The urban space of the capital reflects the monarchy's governing ideology, a view of nature, people's thoughts, living conditions at the time, and external influences. This study aims at arranging the process of the change of the capital of Goryeo to take shape of the city and examining the principles of national operation reflected in the spatial structure of the city at each period of Goryeo.
Taejo founded Goryeo and established palaces, administrative facilities, and military organizations in Gaegyeong. In addition, Taejo built many temples in Gaegyeong, hoping that Goryeo as a fledgling nation could enjoy eternal development under the protection of Buddha. This reflects the characteristics of Gaegyeong as a city of “Jebulhowui”(諸佛護衛).
During Gwangjong's reign, he pursued a strong kingship and even an emperor's right, thus concentrating on maintaining space as an emperor's city. During this period, Bongeunsa and Bulilsa were founded to establish the legitimacy of kingship and the sacred authority of monarchy. Later, the king purged statesmen of merit to establish absolute authority and distinguished Gaegyeong as 'the capital of the emperor' and Seogyeong as 'the capital of the West.' As a result, Gaegyeong has established a solid position as the capital.
During the reign of Seongjong, the attempt to fit Gaegyeong's urban structure with Zhouli's(周禮) urban system can be seen. This is an attempt to apply the principle of Confucian ritual system. As a result, the city was equipped with ceremonial spaces such as Jongmyo(Royal Shrine), Sajik(an altar to the State deities) and Wongu(the Roung Mound), while the political space and market were reorganized.
In Hyeonjong's reign, urban facilities were damaged by the war with the Kitan(契丹), which led to extensive renovations. During this period, the Songak fortress was heavily armed and Jungbang was also installed to strengthen the defense and military power of Gaegyeong. As Naseong was established as a result of the 110-year-old Gaegyeong's maintenance, Gaegyeong had a strong castle system surrounded by Gungseong- Hwangseong(Imperial Fortress)-Naseong.

In earlier Goryeo Gaigyeong was the center of King's power and authority as the Capital. I study its character on the establishing process of the temples founded in making Gaigyeong as Capital and built by the Kings. On this basis I explore Gaigyeong temples' function as Buddhist regular ritual places remaking King's religious prestige visually.
Taijo constructed ten temples in defining Gaigyeong as Capital. There were many in his palace-wall. It seems to be the succession of Naeweon-Institution in Taibong's Capital Cheolwueon. After that 15 temples were made and near the half of 51 ones in 『Goryeodogyeong』. Each from Guwangjong to Injong built one or two. Bureaucrats founded their temple-shrine.
Gaigyeong had the function of showing King's religious aura. Wanggeon threw away King Gungyeo's Mireugbul Image. As Buddha pupil he made 25 temples for many believes, denomination-balance and Samhangongsin-memorial. After Hyeonjong Buddha prestige was added to the King's. Through Buddhist rituals King's authority was renewed in each year. He had the status of Buddha Guardian by seeing Buddha teeth, Buddha bone in Naeweondang. In each June King had he kept the status of altruistic Bodhisattva through accepting Bosal-act in inner palace. In these rituals he displayed his appearance as adoring sutra and respecting monks.
By Goryeo Kings' founding their temple shrine in Gaigyeong, opening Buddhist rituals, Guksa-Wangsa-having-memory, and enforcing monk-examination, They played religious authority and monk-administration power.

Gangdo was the only city in Goryeo Dynasty to officially replace the Gaegyeong. In Ganghwa island, critical facilities of capital city that royal palace, castle wall, royal tombs, temples and royal ancestral shrine etc had been constructed after “Ganghwacheondo” in 1232. However, it has become very difficult to uncover the spatial structure of Gangdo in today. In this study, I attempt to reconstruct the spatial structure of Gangdo, focusing on the location of the royal palace and the system of the castle.
According to recent archaeological data and geographical spaces of Ganghwa-eup, it is considered that the palace of Gangdo was located in the southwestern part of the “Goryeogung Palace Site”. This area where Gwancheong-ri 657 site and 687-1 site were excavated.
Many researchers argue that the Outer Castle Wall was constructed along the east coastline to defend an invasion from the mainland. Gangdo was also surrounded by the Middle Castle Wall until recently. However, based on archeological and geological evidence, it is considered that the castle system of Gangdo consisted of three castles: Outer Castle(capital castle), Middle Castle, Castle of Palace. Comparing Gangdo with Gaegyeong, the castle system of Gangdo is almost equal to Gaegyeong.
Meanwhile, the location and arrangement of the main facilities of Gangdo is similar to the Gaegyeong. It means that Gangdo was constructed after Gaegyeong in the large scale.
However, it is difficult to confirm that these views are true. Because the evidence is still not enough to support the hypothesis. Although many time is required, it is very important to accumulate archaeological evidence to reconstruct the spatial structure of the capital Gangdo.

Xian of Zhou was a child or if there is no son to the effects of considerations are of king Taejo wangie and ascended the throne. Refind Jeongjong since hyejong to succession to the throne is a son even though the throne is wangie a good example.
Simple king's brother, not by the heir to the throne as follows : is wangie the increased political equation. But exceptionnally young son, seonjongdae the throne.
Finally, the throne, hegemony and confrontation. Gyerimgong and his grandson, yoon hansanhu I enthrone someone else is conflict of interest and to be on the throne.
But gyerimgong is to remove ijaui and ascended the throne.
King Sukjong's abnormal succession to the throne was antagonized by the King's younger brothers, and the number of Buyeogong su and the imitation of the Tao teung tong tang's a revolt has occurred.
12th century like this which in particular, by of the first half trends The trends of uijongdae igyanghu his is(Myeongjong of) military and in conjunction with the political forces to take part in a military coup by judged to be.

We looked at the economic life of an official in the Goryeo Dynasty through the examples of gifts recorded in the book “Donggukyisanggukjip(『東國李相國集』)” by Lee Gyu-Bo(李奎報: 1168-1241). The gifts he received are confirmed 53 cases in about 50 years from 1193 to his death in 1241. Broken down by a certain time frame, there were 14 cases during the 17 years before taking office(1190-1207), 13 cases during the 30 years since taking office(1207-1237), and 26 cases during the four years since retirement(1237-1241). Time and frequency of gifts indicate that gifts have been concentrated since retirement.
As gifts, there were various items such as alcohol and fruits, rice, fisheries products, meat, vegetables, ice, medicine, heating supplies and clothing, and in terms of the ratio, food items consumed on a daily basis account for 72 percent. Among the groceries, fruits and alcohol were the most abundant, especially alcohol, which Lee Gyu-Bo liked very much.
Lee received gifts mainly from officials and monks, who often had only temporary exchanges, but also maintained a special relationship with each other. Gifts at the time are made public and customary, making it difficult to distinguish them from favors or bribes. In severe cases, the demand for gifts can also be seen, which is different from today's exchange of gifts.
Meanwhile, Lee was able to exchange gifts on Ganghwa(江華島) because logistics transportation was possible due to the development of the distribution economy. Various items were being transported from the provinces to Ganghwado Island, which served as an aid to the economic life of government officials such as Lee Gyu-Bo.

This article was written to analyze the contents and features of the prayers for the transcription of Buddhist scriptures text in the first half of 14th century. In particular, I'd like to analyze the political intentions of the prayers.
There are a total of 17 manuscripts from King Chungrye(忠烈王) to King Chungjung (忠定王), which almost completely convey the contents and supporters. Analyzing these manuscripts, it is possible to find out what time of year is being concentrated, what is the contents of, and how the political situation at the time is affecting them.
There are many prayers for the transcription of Buddhist scriptures text in the reign of King Chungsuk(1314~1339), and the scriptures are mainly composed of Saddharma-Pundarika and Avatamsaka sutra. However, while Saddharma-Pundarika's transcriptions were taken throughout the entire period, Avatamsaka sutra's one were mainly converged in the late King Chungsuk(忠肅王). On the other hand, the contents of the prayer shows a strong influence of the Bohyeonhaengwonpum in Avatamsaka sutra, similar to the prayer of Bokjang.
The most notable points in the analysis of prayers, are the presence of the praying of the emperors of Yuan Dynasty and the kings of Goryeo Dynasty, and their political significance. The praying for the long life of emperor of the Yuan Dynasty were concentrated on the reign of King Chungsun(忠宣王). It was the result of his intention to place Goryeo Dynasty to the system of Tribute-Installation. In the meantime, the prayers who were the officals in the court of Yuan Dynasty, only blessed the Emperor of the Yuan Dynasty. In contrast, the officials of Goryeo Dynasty only blessed the kings of Goryeo. Those who blessed, were largely king's close associates. However, as the king's power decreased in Goryeo Dynasty, the prayers for the king gradually decreased. Therefore, in the prayers for the transcription of Buddhist scriptures text, there was a deeply inherent political relationship between the prayers and a emperor or king.