East Asia in the 12th century was where the international order was going through a huge change with the decline of the Khitans and the rise of the Khitan, the continuous decline of Song Dynasty owing to the financial ruin and Emperor Huizong's incompetence, and the change in Goryeo's foreign policy that came after the aristocratic clan took power. When the fall of the Khitans appeared in the offing, the Song Dynasty tried to bring the Khitan to their knees by attracting the Jin Dynasty. When Fang La Rebellion occurred, however, the plan was foiled. After it quelled the rebellion, the Song Dynasty managed to attack the Liao Dynasty only to endanger itself by being defeated. For lack of anything better, the Song Dynasty asked the Jin Dynasty for help, which repelled the Liao Dynasty as requested and demanded a vast amount of annual tribute from the Song Dynasty.
Under such circumstances, the Song Dynasty sent a large diplomatic mission to Goryeo to cinch the latter's support with a view to overpowering the Jin Dynasty. The dynasty built two Shenzhou ships to transport its messengers. The Shenzhou ships were roughly the Fuchuan warships (jack-up barges) constructed in Fujian Province. They are presumed to have been large vessels with a tonnage of about 465 tons that were about 43.26m long, about 12.98m high, and about 10.82m wide.
Meanwhile, China and the Korean Peninsula were trading both through coastal and ocean-crossing route even before the founding of the Song Dynasty. After the rise of the Khitans in the north, however, the ocean-crossing route came to supplant the coastal route. The use route goes through Dinghai-Gageodo-Heuksando-Seonyudo-Mado in Taean-Yeongheungdo-Ganghwa Strait-Byeokrando. While some of its sectors remain controversial, the ships are presumed to have traveled on the open seas following the smoke sent up for communication purpose from the coastal regions between Heuksando and Seonyudo, and passed through the route similar to Goryeo's offshore transport route for government taxation to arrive to Byeokrando.

Sinocentrism, barbarianism, emptiness, and desolation were key concepts in the depiction of Gaegyeong in Seo Geung's Goryeodogyeong. As Seo Geung, the Chinese delegate to Goryeo, visited and took a look at the palace, residential areas, and marketplaces, it was the cultural similarity between Goryeo and China that he found the most important factor in his understanding of the city.
He admitted that city walls and Confucian inheritances deserved appreciation not long after he came to Gaegyeong. What especially captured his attention was the first hexagram(乾卦) of the Book of Changes(周易) posted on the Gwangwha gate, ceremonies and protocol(儀制令), and morning palace meetings (朝會制) which took place on a regular basis. For him they revealed the authority of the Goryeo monarchy. His description of the city tells the way in which the Chinese elite who was a representative of Northern Sung viewed his diplomatic counterpart who was expected to establish a favourable alliance with China.
On the other hand, his description of economic life illustrated how residents maintained the savage lifestyle. He saw marketplaces as blinding their poor living conditions and denigrated that Goryeo had not adopted a monetary system using metal coinage. Religious temples were also regarded as signs of barbarianism as he thought that Goryeo had not fully accepted Chinese culture and remained uncivilised.
Desolation was another term used to describe the rural area around the city in his work. As he was not able to take a clear look at the area, his illustration of the suburbs resulted in the lack of inaccuracy and imprecision. This would have been because he understood Gaegyeong in such a way that he thought of Kaifeng, the capital of Northern Sung, where experienced radical climate changes so he saw the similar scenery. It is more likely that this made him focus upon desolation and loneliness other than positive aspects of the country.
Twelfth-century Gaegyeong experienced various civil works which demanded a huge amount of resources like charcoal and roof tiles. A series of works caused deforestation and desolation of the landscape. In this century the population of the city increased due to the progress of construction projects. His use of the term, desolation, reflects the significant changes in the appearance of the city.

This study reviewed Seo Geung's view and presupposition of Goryeo, who was the writer of 『GoryeoDogyeong』. For the review, 'the people who Seog Geung encountered' can be classified into three types, and the study examined how his 'view and presupposition' was applied in his recognizing and estimating them. The results are as follows;
Seo Geung shows his 'view and presupposition' in 『Goryeo-Dogyeong』. First, According to him, Goryeo was called DongYi of Four Yi (meaning Four barbarian tribes on the borders), but they were somewhat civilized by edification of China and the Song Emperor's favor, and he added distinguished figures and splendid culture or civilized products of Goryeo were not ordinary, but specially prepared for the Chinese envoy. Second, though Goryeo was regarded to have Chinese custom based on Sino-centrism, they were still caught in their barbarian custom because of the nature of 'Four Yi'. Third, he put a low estimate on not only the personality and physique of Goryeo people, but also Goryeo territory and politic, social, and economic condition. The key words of his 'view and presupposition' were 'edification by Gija', 'Chinese custom', and 'Song Emperor's favor', which means that 『GoryeoDogyeong』 was a product of Seo Geung's arbitrary interpretation of Goryeo through the three codes.
The people Seo Geung encountered in Goryeo can be classified into;first 'those whom he met in person', second 'indirect encounter he saw as an observer', and third 'those whom he recognized with his prejudice according to the social class or status, or through what he read or heard'. Seo Geung applied his 'view and presupposition' to them. For example, he described representative five persons he met in person as 'Confucian look and as accepted Chinese civilized products'. For those whom he encountered as an observer, he described as inferior with barbarian evil customs. And lastly for those whom he recognized with his prejudice, he insisted mechanically that 'unlike other barbarian tribes, Goryeo shows proper attire and the proprieties, which results from long edification by China'.

Goryeodogyeong is an invaluable resource for understanding the 12th century Goryeo society. This book is a very useful resource to understand the lives of the people of Goryeo Dynasty who do not tell other records.
SeoGeung(徐兢) was identified the daily work clothes of the Goryeo people were black hooded to white moshi. Public dressings such as King clothes, customs, and court uniforms were different. From King, however, he had similar attire to farmers and merchants, and even to Taoist masters of Taoism. Women were similar, wearing a white jacket with a yellow skirt, and their ladies wearing a Mongsu(蒙首).
Goryeo's dietary life in Goryeodogyeong includes not only the daily food and banquet food that SeoGeung(徐兢) has eaten, but also the old record of the local products, what he heard about others. So it was mentioned the grain and aquatic products produced in Goryeo and showed interest in the food made at the banquet and the wine made from nonglutinous rice. Especially the people with poor economic power had a lot of aquatic products, and regardless of Buddhism, the senior officials were eating enough to rot their meat. On the other hand, It didn`t know how the specific daily food is prepared, but it can be seen that the side dishes such as “doduk[沙蔘]”, which is provided daily by the office, were raised and served three meals a day.
There are few contents because it is hard to know about general residential life. However, the people of Goryeo dug out the ground to make the ondol[火坑], lay on it, and the bed usually made of clay. Laying the straw mat on the floor or elaborately woven was laid on the bed.
It was only a month after the prosecutor came to Goryeo, and since he entered the office, he had only half a dozen articles. So, the situation that he described in his own eyes was only the palaces, gateways, Temple, and the office in the open space except for the sea route.
Goryeodogyeong provided valuable data on the everyday life of Goryeo Dynasty, and it was of great value as a material to show understanding of China's consideration at that time.

『Gaolitujing』's craft-related record prepared by Xu Jing(徐兢1091~1153) are small in volume but it carries various crafts such as najeonchilgi(螺鈿漆器 lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl), textile crafts, and woodworking. Particularly in the field of metal crafts, it mentioned comparatively in detail the forms and applications. The lacquerware inlaid with mother-of-pearl is fragmentary, but through what is written 'exquisite and precious(細密可貴)', in 1123, the level of mother-of-pearl work in Goryeo was estimated to have been exported to foreign countries by demonstrating the highest level of technology using daemobokchae(玳瑁伏彩). In the textile arts, it can be seen that embroidery paintings are embroidered on 'flower and animal paintings', in which tent and a vivid energy are drawn using embroidery. It also reveals the use of red coloring in royal and noble woodwork, along with a tray-table. To categorize the metal crafts sector by its use and form, it is found that various types of incense burners were used and that among them, many of the antique-shaped Chinese Bronzes(倣古銅器) such as Poshan(博山) Incense Burner were produced. The sugakhwaro(獸脚火爐) brazier can be compared with real materials, which is helpful in a chronicle. In reference to gwangmyeongdae(光明臺), it is supposed that Gwangmyeongdae was widely produced in the Goryeo period in 1123, and that light fixtures(燈火具) such as candles were used at that time. The sacred water-pot(水甁) is currently believed to be a bronze kettle built in the Goryeo period, and banjan(盤盞) can be compared with the silver-plated takjan(托盞) housed by the National Museum of Korea. Juhap(酒榼) described as a liquor cask, the detail is in line with the pottery kettle of the Boston Museum of Art is noted. On the other hand, it is found that Goryeo seban(洗盤), whose name has been unclear so far, is clearly described separately.
In Gaolitujing, the arts of Buddhist metal crafts are only about kundika(淨甁), a big bell(巨鐘) at Bojesa temple(普濟寺), flagpole(幢竿), and vajra(金剛杵). However, Jeongbyeong is very detailed in its explanation in comparison with other crafts and gives valuable help to the chronicle of Jeongbyeong in Goryeo. Before 1346, when Yeonboksa temple bell[演福寺鐘] took place, it it revealed that there was a big beel decorated with Bicheonsang at Bojesa, the original temple. At the top of gilt-bronze Danggan rising in the ground of Heungguksa temple(興國寺) was decorated with phoenix, and it can be a record to restore Goryeo Danggan through the record of wearing a silk banner in the mouth. Especially, the name is confirmed to be also called 'pole of banner(幡竿)'. The mention of gold-plated Geumgangjeo kept by royal monks(王師) reveals the fact that Geumgangjeo was used as a bringing of Buddhist monks from an early age.
According to the record as shown in Xu Jing's Gaolitujing, it is fragmentary material that was written in the Chinese official's position with disappearance of Dobon(圖本Artist's Sketches), but it is more meaningful than any literature in that it can reveal Goryeo craft art at the time of 1123, which may disappear or cannot be restored now.

This study examined diverse views on the meaning of 'Dingqi zhidu(定器制度)' mentioned in 『Gaolitujing(高麗圖经)』, and examined the contents of Goryeo celadon and Chinese ceramics mentioned in the records. Although I think that 'Dingqi' means 'Ding ware', it means that Goryeo had secretly followed China in the explanation of it, and in the following sentence, Goryeo thought that the new product of Lu ware and Yue ware It is said that it is not appropriate to determine its meaning because it is said to be similar to a celadon of the Royal kiln style. This is because, in addition to the Ding ware, there are a variety of pottery making techniques and molding elements, such as Yue ware, Lu ware, Jingdezhen ware and Yaozhou ware, at the same time, among the artifacts that were actually made in the Gangjin kiln in the early 12th century. Therefore, I think 'Dingqi zhidu' means ceramics making method and style which was generally done in China at that time. In the context of the maintenance of new objects that Goryeo had intended, the various chapters and their products, such as the Ding ware, which could affect the early 12th century consideration, such as Northern Song Royal Kiln, Lu ware, Yue ware I would like to open up the possibility of being affected. From a macroscopic point of view, the celadon in Goryeo in the first half of the 12th century shows that China has reached a stage of rebuilding itself in terms of qualitative level and formative quality of ceramics. In addition, Goryeo enters the culture that can produce celadons officially This is because it proves that.

This research investigated the awareness on the 'boundary' of Goryeo focusing on the awareness on succession of Goguryeo and northern territory awareness.
Succession awareness of Goryeo on Goguryeo revealed distinction from the surrounding powers that stood against concentration of regional power by claiming legitimacy of dynasty in the confusion of Namalryeocho. Since its foundation, Goryeo implemented 'Yanggyeongje' by installing Seogyeong in Pyeongyang simultaneously with relocation of capital city to Gaegyeong. 'Yanggyeongje' of Gaegyeong Seogyeong connected foundation of Goryeo and succession awareness of Goguryeo. Seogyeong, an axis of Yanggyeongje, greatly influenced northern territory awareness simultaneously with succession awareness of Goguryeo on Goryeo. This point was a background to overcome the first war with Khitan, on the other hand, it was a cause of territorial conflict with surrounding nations.
Territory awareness of Goryeo included the territory of unified Silla and old Goguryeo, and northern Yalu river was the center of outside 'boundary' awareness of Goryeo. The situation of northern region of early Goryeo was an opportunity to actively progress northern policy that Goryeo aimed for, however there was a possibility to create a territorial conflict with northern people. Active construction of fortress against northern region since foundation of Goryeo was a basis to extend northern territory awareness of Goryeo. 'Yanggyeje' was an institutional device to maintain this, and this acted as a local system equal to military system and 5 Doje to protect capital Gaegyeong from northern region.
Northern 'territory' awareness of Goryeo was gradually extended to Yalu river through construction of fortress that began from the early Goryeo. Conflict with northern people was involved in the process. Goryeo and Khitan constructed fortress respectively in 'Gangdong' and 'Gangseo' mainly with Yalu river through reinforcement negotiation during the 1st invasion of Khitan. At this time, territorial division between 'Gangdong and Gangseo' at the boundary with Yalu river became more reinforced while overcoming the 2nd·3rd war with Khitan. As the result, 'Goryeo-Jangseong' was constructed in 1033(King Deokjong 2nd year), and Goryeo Cheonhagwan of 'Hwanae Hwawe' was established based on this. Division of Goryeo and foreign people into 'Hwanae Hwawe' was an extended territory awareness from the territorial boundary division of 'Gangdong Gangseo' based on Yalu river, previously.
In conclusion, awareness of Goryeo on northern 'boundary' secured identity of territory awareness through Goguryeo succession awareness, and was firmly established based on territorial division into 'Gangdong Gangseo' and establishment of Cheonhagwan of 'Hwanae·Hwawe'.

Examined in this article is the historical meaning of the very notion of “the Three Han units are one(三韓一統意識),” and the concept of “Another universe on the East side of the Sea(海東天下),” which both prevailed during the Goryeo period. The existence of these notion and concept are traced through stone epitaphs and other similar sources of historical information, produced at the end of the Unified Shilla period and in early years of Goryeo. These notion and concept were all formed during the ending days of Shilla, but were established as formal ideological beliefs for the state by the people of Goryeo. Shilla only considered itself as Jinhan(辰韓), one of the Three Hans, but Goryeo identified itself as the Three Hans as a whole.
Shilla considered the establishment of another universe engulfing all regions in the Eastern side of the Sea(海東諸國) as the way to bind all Three Hans together, so memories and legacies cultivated by entities that had ever existed upon the East side of the Sea were conceptually absorbed into the Shilla culture and Shilla mind. So did even the memories and legacy of the Four Gun(四郡) units, as Shilla connected itself with the Hyeonto-gun(玄菟, 兎郡) unit, which had usually been associated with Goguryeo in the past.
Goryeo too inherited Shilla's such perception of the 'East side of the Sea(海東),' and established a universe of its own. The Goryeo-version of this “Universe on the East side of the Sea(海東天下)” was of course conceived as part of the Sino-centric world order(中華天下), but at the same time it was considered to have retained its own unique identity that differentiated itself from the Chinese universe. The Goryeo king considered itself as an Emperor(天子) in its own right, and the Goryeo people even defined China as a 'Universe on the West[海西],' compared to themselves on the East.

This research attempts to reveal the process of how Goryeo categorized its own culture by examining the acceptance of Chinese culture under the complex foreign relations. For this purpose, I particularly pay attention to the relationship between “Chinese culture[hwap'ung 華風]” and “Goryeo traditional culture[t'op'ung 土風]”.
A clear distinction between Chinese culture and Goryeo traditional culture had existed since the founding of the dynasty, which had been presented in injunctions by King T'aejo. During the King Sungjong's reign, the Confucian culture was accepted more actively from China. However, when the dynasty was in crisis by Khitan invasion, Chinese culture was rejected and people argued to adhere to the traditional culture. This was happened exactly same at the late Goryeo dynasty. Goryeo was guaranteed of using their own culture when they first started diplomatic relations with Mongol, and then reiterated this argument in the threat of the sovereignty of Goryeo dynasty.
The reason why the traditional culture and the Chinese culture were kept in such a tense relationship is due to that Goryeo was oriented to Chinese culture. In particular, the clothing culture emphasized that the tradition must be adhered to, but since the founding of the dynasty, the official uniform system of Goryeo had all been referenced to Chinese culture-Tang and Sung system-. Mongolian costumes were also tabooed in late Goryeo period because of the change of “the owner of Central China”, but some of them were still transmitted to the Choson Dynasty and became a part of traditional culture of Korea.
Consequently, this research explains that while Goryeo stably formulated their cultural identity amidst national crises, its cultural boundaries were not fixed. Goryeo's cultural formation was a dynamic process that was reformulated endlessly, corresponding to the changes of the times as well as to the changes in the diplomatic relations. In other words, this research suggests that “Goryeo culture” cannot be defined in a dichotomous manner as being either equivalent or contentious to “foreign culture” rather, through the interaction with foreign cultures, new Goryeo customs were reformulated. The process of conflicts and harmonies between Chinese culture and traditional culture in the Goryeo society is symbolic of how Goryeo's cultural identity was ceaselessly reformulated in accordance with the periodic changes.

This study dealt with the integration mechanism and the integration consciousness found in the hosting of state rituals in the Goryeo Dynasty. As a result, the following contents were summarized:
The state rituals of the Goryeo Dynasty were basically based on the understanding of Confucian ceremonies and attempted the grace or protection of Buddha while ritualizing a diversity of Buddhist faith. And they offered the prayer for the Taoist divinity by practicing the wedding ceremony largely in the king and royal family. And they reflected the elements of Seonrang and folk beliefs in the events of the royal family. Like this, it was found that the rituals of the Goryeo Dynasty took the character that the basic principles of Gongbulraksin(供佛樂神) and Gunshindongrak(君臣同樂) mentioned by King Taejo of the Goryeo Dynasty became divided and the rituals of Samgyo(three religions), Seonrang and folk beliefs became combined with the ceremonies of the royal family and the state. At the same time, the Goryeo Dynasty established the honoring of the King Taejo and the unification of the Three Kingdoms as one of its ruling principle and built up the phase of Shiwang(時王). And in this process, it attempted to host a diversity of rituals for purposes of defending the country, praying for fortune and praying that fortune might come but misfortunes might be expelled. Jungdongpalguanhoe, the representative state ritual, took a character of Cheonhaye(天下禮) armed with the element said to be the Cheonjaeuije of the Goryeo Dynasty, through which the royal family of the Goryeo Dynasty proceeded to reinforce the rituals of Haedongcheonja and Haedongcheonha with a focus on the honoring of the king Taejo.