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한국서양사연구회> 서양사연구> 독일 여성운동의 시원, 루이제 오토

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독일 여성운동의 시원, 루이제 오토

Louise Otto-Peters on the Threshold of the German Feminist Movement

문수현 ( Soo Hyun Moon )
  • : 한국서양사연구회
  • : 서양사연구 59권0호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2018년 11월
  • : 45-81(37pages)
서양사연구

DOI

10.16894/JOWH.59.2


목차

I. 들어가며
II. 루이제 오토의 생애
III. 루이제 오토의 페미니즘 활동
IV. 루이제 오토의 언어로 본 루이제 오토의 페미니즘
V. 루이제 오토와 독일 페미니즘

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Louise Otto-Peters was widely acknowledged as the mother of the German women’s movement. She was the editor of the “Frauen- Zeitung”, the first political women’s newspaper in Germany, which was founded in the aftermath of the democratic revolution of 1848/49 and the founder of “Allgemeiner Deutscher Frauenverein”, the first “German” women’s rights association. Germany in the second half of the 19th century was pretty much a conservative society. Hence, her campaigns were under serious surveillance. The government of the federal state of Germany, Sachsen which was her home state, issued “Lex Otto” which prohibited women from being the editors of newspaperssince it was concerned that Louise Otto- Peters would mobilize the women against the government. As a result, the “Frauen-Zeitung” was relatively short-lived: it had been published only between 1849~1951. She restarted her campaigns by organizing the “Allgemeiner Deutscher Frauenverein” in 1865. Her association did not turn into true suffrage, but focused on female education and increasing job opportunities for women. Louise Otto- Peters grounded her feminist cause on the women’s difference from males, in other words, the maternity.
Her relational approach, rather than individualist one, was widely viewed or even criticized as the symbol of the passivity of German feminism. However, it was not uncommon that feminists grounded their campaigns not only on the individual’s rights and personal autonomy but also equality-in-difference, and many sought entitlement as citizens in terms of sexual difference. In that sense, Otto’s feminism cannot be dismissed simply as a deviation from the “right” course of feminism. Although many feminist activists of the first generation firmly believed that their suffrage should be the first step or gateway to the achievement of the genuine feminist goals, it turned out that there could not be one decisive solution on the way to achieving gender equality. Against this backdrop, we can say that Louise Otto’s relational and gradualist approach to the gender equality mattered just as much.
(Hanyang Univeristy / munshyun@hanyang.ac.kr)

UCI(KEPA)

I410-ECN-0102-2019-900-001756167

간행물정보

  • : 인문과학분야  > 서양사
  • : KCI등재
  • :
  • : 반년간
  • : 1738-7027
  • : 2733-953X
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 1979-2022
  • : 444


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1키케로의 반(反)영웅 카틸리나: 『카틸리나 규탄 연설』과 그 이후

저자 : 김기훈 ( Kihoon Kim )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 1-27 (27 pages)

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This paper examines the historical figure Catiline (L. Sergius Catilina), focusing on the research of the causes that have influenced on evaluating him and his life. For a long time, Catiline has been thought as a byname of the character who was one of the causes for the fall of Roman Republic in the 1st century BCE. According to the historical sources, especially to the Speeches against Catiline (Orationes in L. Catilinam quattuor) of Cicero, Catiline's conspiracy against the Republic was uncovered and oppressed completely by Cicero the consul himself in the year 63 BCE. Cicero, by the virtue of wellcontrolling the crises of the state, earned the honorable title, pater patriae.
Afterwards, Catiline was condemned to, figuratively speaking, damnatio memoriae, by Cicero's authoritative voices in the Speeches. The posterity, following Cicero's judgment, has reached a similar or rather more severe verdict on Catiline. However, one could reconstruct Catiline as the antihero for Cicero in the history of the later Roman Republic by reading history again. In other words, Cicero the winner took all and Catiline has been always remembered as the loser, but the latter must have had something for extenuation. There are some clues in Sallust's account on the events. His work, Bellum Catilinae sheds light on the series of events in 60's BCE including the Catiline's very conspiracy. But it is the history itself of Roman Republic that Sallust's historiography mainly focused on, not the personage. So one can interpret Sallust's works as a diagnosis on the phases of the later Roman Republic. In addition, if both Cicero and Catiline are, as it were. dramatis personae in a scene of Roman history, Catiline is significant antagonist for a protagonist Cicero. Their contrast seems to have provided attractable motives for the spin-off works subsequently. Catiline might have been unduly overcriticized as a heinous traitor, villain or rouge, as the aftermath has showed in the realm of the history, literature, education and arts for ages: e.g. Dante Alighieri's the monumental epic, La Divina Commedia, the teaching curriculum of Latin language, and the Cesare Macari's fresco work. Such a tradition has made the portrait of Catiline being permanent as unrecoverably negative one.
It is necessary to study Catiline's life and his own history, and if possible, there would be something to be modified or revised about him. Perhaps Catiline could never be acquitted for the charge, but he might have some excuses for the his own cause, as this research shows a clue for it. Because the history is also a daughter of time, as the ancient wise said veritas filia temporis.
(Seoul National University / daniel12@snu.ac.kr)

KCI등재

2반지성주의와 음모론

저자 : 안재원 ( Jaewon Ahn )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 29-57 (29 pages)

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This paper tries to demonstrate the relationship of anti-intellectualism with conspiracy theory. For this, firstly, the paper provides a critical reading of the story of Polyphemus in Homer's Odyssey to show that anti-intellectualism is rooted on the one-eyed cognition that is confined by a certain idea, belief, experience, memory, information, interest, and ideology. The paper, then, attempts to read Cicero's The First Speech against Caitline from the viewpoint of conspiracy theory for demonstrating that it is supported and even authorized strongly by the theory of justice that reinforces the faction theory. To this, the paper adds another critical reading of Euripides' Heracles for showing the danger of fake news that is strongly tangled with conspiracy theory. These critical readings come to the confessing that it is not easy to reject the human identity of “homo conspirans”. The paper, however, strives to suggest how to fight against the anti-intellectualism endorsed by conspiracy theory, providing the philosophical training of suspension of all action and all opinion (epoche) and the rhetorical way of arguing both sides(in utramque partem dicere). On the basis of this, the paper contends that the history of humanities is to be summarized by the fighting and struggling of intellectualism against anti-intellectualism.
(Seoul National University / numeniu@snu.ac.kr )

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3영화 속의 역사, 역사 속의 영화: <밤과 안개>

저자 : 이용우 ( Yong-woo Lee )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 59-98 (40 pages)

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This article attempts to examine a French documentary film directed by Alain Resnais in 1956, Night and Fog, and especially the historical context in which it was produced and accepted. The film was a typical historical movie in that it dealt the Nazi concentration camps in the 1930s and 1940s and showed the holocaust in World War II, and that it conveyed their history to the younger generations: it has been released on the TV public channels or for the secondary education in France for decades.
And the film was born in the midst of growing memories of the deportation by enacting national memorial day of the deportation, establishing a memorial of the martyrs of the deportation, and publishing a collection of the deportation survivors' testimonies. A rumor that this film was out of the nomination for the Cannes International Film Festival under the pressure of the West German Embassy gave rise to a great dispute and anger in French society in April 1956, thereby showing that the anti-German sentiment was still strong among the French. But the censorship taking issue with a scene that revealed the kepi of a French gendarme who guarded the camp at Pithiviers, was not highlighted by the press, thereby signifying that memories of 'the collaboration by the Vichy regime' were still suppressed. Since the 1980s when all the other memories were overwhelmed by memories of the holocaust, the film came to the fore as a pioneering holocaust movie. Although its title, “Night and Fog” implied the suppression of Resistance rather than the holocaust, and even the word “jew” hardly appeared in its narration, it can fall within the category of the holocaust film because it properly preserved and conveyed the essential images of the holocaust.
(Dongduk Women's University / greve@hanmail.net)

KCI등재

4제1차 세계대전과 러시아 장교단

저자 : 박상철 ( Sang-chul Park )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 99-140 (42 pages)

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World War I raised the need for large-scale recruitment of officers due to the general mobilization, the new formation of military units, and the enormous loss of troops. The Russian authorities mobilized retired or reserve officers, and hastily commissioned military academy cadets as officers. The short courses of military academies was opened and the Ensign School was established. And brave or educated soldiers or non-commissioned officers were promoted to officers. In this way, the Russian authorities were able to increase the number of officers in service approximately from 330,000 to 340,000. It can be said that the war efforts of the czar system were quite successful in this way.
However, this rapid expansion of the Russian officers' corps was coupled with the enormous loss of the officers' corps. As infantry officers at lower ranks and at the early period of the war experienced the most loss and regular officers were promoted to fill the vacancy in the upper positions, the number of regular officers in the infantry unit sharply decreased. The upper ranks of the Russian officers' corps were still mostly regular officers, but most infantry regiments were commanded by officers with not much administrative-commanding experience and experienced officers in the regiment was few. Therefore, it was difficult for the hierarchical leadership system within the officer corps to function effectively. On the other hand, wartime officers with low educational background hardly earned respect from the soldiers due to their lack of military knowledge and experience.
Therefore it would not be acceptable as a satisfactory explanation to suggest that the large influx of 'unqualified' wartime officers was the sole cause of the weakening of officers' control over their soldiers. The lack of command ability of regular officers who were quickly promoted to major commanding positions and the strategic incapacity of senior generals who took for granted huge human losses should be considered as the another causes. Moreover, the fact that the upper echelons of the Russian army officers consisted mainly of regular officers, while the lower tiers consisted of wartime officers had a negative effect on the unity of the officers.
While the number of hereditary aristocrats in the wartime officers declined sharply, the number of peasants increased rapidly. But this tendency was started before the war and only intensified during the war. The majority of hereditary aristocrats before World War I were not 'landlords' but 'service aristocrats' who made military service their sole or main means of livelihood. Therefore the proposition that the Russian officers represented the “bourgeois-landlord aristocracy” just before World War I cannot be admitted.
Finally, as almost educated or brave youngsters who had positive toward war became to serve as officers, soldiers or noncommissioned officers that would have had a potential influence among soldiers were reduced, which would have negatively affected the soldiers' attitudes and moods toward war.
(Chonnam National University / sachpak@jnu.ac.kr)

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저자 : 이정하 ( Jeong-ha Lee )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 141-170 (30 pages)

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How does reflexive control affect state security and destabilize the government and entire society? And why is it currently so important in the concepts of information warfare, one of many features of the 21st century warfare?
Reflexive control is the process of transmitting specially crafted and probabilistic information to the enemy center, which is aimed at making a decision favorable to the aggressor. This operation can be successful only if the adversary does not realize that the premises on the basis of which it takes a given action are the result of external interference. In order to minimize the probability of discovering this manipulation, the entity applying reflexive control is obliged to create so-called reflexive models imitating the process of reasoning, self-awareness and potential behavior of the opponent. Each decision is a resultant of a subjective image existing in the consciousness of the decision maker, which is a mosaic of various elements. The subjective image of the situation in a given conflict available to each party is shaped primarily by the so-called information-psychological operation, which within the concept of reflexive control is obliged to provide the most precise information necessary to create the so-called reflexive model reflecting the opponent and imitating his behavior in a given situation.
The aim of this article is to explain the theoretical foundations, genesis and application of reflexive control methods in the sphere of information warfare, focusing on Russia's information-psychological operation.
(Chonnam National University / budennyi@gmail.com)

KCI등재

6'소유와 경영의 분리' 과정에 대한 고찰: 1907~1929년 미국전신전화회사(AT&T)의 사례를 중심으로

저자 : 공민우

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 66권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 171-203 (33 pages)

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1다시 돌아보는 '여성주의의 첫 번째 물결'

저자 : 한국서양사연구회(구서울대학교서양사연구회)

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 59권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 1-4 (4 pages)

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발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 59권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 5-43 (39 pages)

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Some beginnings of U. S. women's movement were closely related with anti-slavery movement. First of all, most of the feminist pioneers were abolitionists. Looking into the situation of slaves, female abolitionists could recognize the unequal social positions and the lack of rights of women. And encountering the opposition of male fellows against female lecturers, these women stood for the rights of women to speak and act in the public sphere.
Second beginning was about Seneca Falls convention in 1848. This convention was the result of female activist experiences and knowledges which had been gained in anti-slavery movement. This convention led to many women's rights conventions in various forms and levels in 1850s. Those who led these conventions were white middle class intellectual women. However, at that time African Americans such as Frederick Douglass or Sojourner Truth could join forces with them.
Third beginning was about the departure of some activists like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan Anthony from the radical reformers who had been abolitionists. This departure was due to black male suffrage and a race priority policy which reformers and Republicans took at that time. Stanton and Anthony aligned themselves with racist Democratic politicians.
This fluctuating process of women's movement reminds us the difficulty and significancy of collaboration which is always necessary for women's movement both internally and externally.
(Seoul National University/thursday@snu.ac.kr)

KCI등재

3독일 여성운동의 시원, 루이제 오토

저자 : 문수현 ( Soo Hyun Moon )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 59권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 45-81 (37 pages)

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Louise Otto-Peters was widely acknowledged as the mother of the German women's movement. She was the editor of the “Frauen- Zeitung”, the first political women's newspaper in Germany, which was founded in the aftermath of the democratic revolution of 1848/49 and the founder of “Allgemeiner Deutscher Frauenverein”, the first “German” women's rights association. Germany in the second half of the 19th century was pretty much a conservative society. Hence, her campaigns were under serious surveillance. The government of the federal state of Germany, Sachsen which was her home state, issued “Lex Otto” which prohibited women from being the editors of newspaperssince it was concerned that Louise Otto- Peters would mobilize the women against the government. As a result, the “Frauen-Zeitung” was relatively short-lived: it had been published only between 1849~1951. She restarted her campaigns by organizing the “Allgemeiner Deutscher Frauenverein” in 1865. Her association did not turn into true suffrage, but focused on female education and increasing job opportunities for women. Louise Otto- Peters grounded her feminist cause on the women's difference from males, in other words, the maternity.
Her relational approach, rather than individualist one, was widely viewed or even criticized as the symbol of the passivity of German feminism. However, it was not uncommon that feminists grounded their campaigns not only on the individual's rights and personal autonomy but also equality-in-difference, and many sought entitlement as citizens in terms of sexual difference. In that sense, Otto's feminism cannot be dismissed simply as a deviation from the “right” course of feminism. Although many feminist activists of the first generation firmly believed that their suffrage should be the first step or gateway to the achievement of the genuine feminist goals, it turned out that there could not be one decisive solution on the way to achieving gender equality. Against this backdrop, we can say that Louise Otto's relational and gradualist approach to the gender equality mattered just as much.
(Hanyang Univeristy / munshyun@hanyang.ac.kr)

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4빈곤한 여성들의 코뮌(1871): 루이즈 미셀과 앙드레 레오의 대변

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The question which motivated to compose the article is that most of the communardes was certainly working women in the state of 'la Misere,' in other words deprived of time and money indispensable for the idea of social transformation. Then how and why they were engaged actively in the whole process of the defeated but historical Commune of Paris (1871), in particular as the status of women?
To find out some feasible answers to that question, we called on Louise Michel and Andre Leo at the same time on the assumption that both had enough reason to be represented not by any election system but through reciprocal and tacit consent among the delegated people. Without any official title in the Commune Government nor in the minority leadership for the women except a little activity of International or Montmartre Vigilance Committee, Louise Michel had been incarnated as the armed women citizen and Andre Leo as 'soldier of idea' by her journalism. These representative words and deeds are in a sense contradictory but both aimed for the realization of social revolution without doubt. But the social revolution for the women does not mean taking power from the bourgeois class. Rather it stands first of all in the extension of the fighting for the country known to them during the precedent Paris Occupation by the German army.
The Commune women wanted to exert the full citizenship by the military participation like meal preparation and ambulance amidst the fighting National Guard against Versailles regular army. They naturally claimed for legalized reform measures like equal pay for equal work, and also for liberated from the complicated system of marriage to enjoy the independent way of life as producer and gender. More vast problem was the oppressive authority the Church largely imposed to them The women's constant claim for better education was owing to such institutions. The Commune Government had not enough time and capability for the women question but tried to apply new principles in that field.
What is remarkable for the two female communardes, was their keeping of ethic shared with their audience: they are conscious that for the durable revolutionized society could be founded upon democratic building of men and women's relationship. If we could denominate it Commune feminism it was characterized by the intimate face to face contacts, not by distant regarding between elite and mass. Finally the feminism of Louise Michel and Andre Leo showed, even for the moment, the possibility of discovering hidden but neglected will of change in the working women of Commune For them the idea of change was cherished not only for the society itself but for each of themselves. Supported by the probable evidences we could tell the feminism of Commune was a courageous, firm adventure of laboring women who refused vanquished under the pressure of material destitution.
(Humanities Research Institute of Chungnam National University / ecouter@hanmail.net)

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5오스트레일리아 여성참정권 운동과 여성운동의 정치학

저자 : 이민경 ( Min-kyoung Lee )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 59권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 121-156 (36 pages)

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This study examines the Australian women's suffrage movement over the late 19th century to through the first half of the 20th century in the aspects of 'politics and racism.' It looks over the Australian Women's Movement, which presupposes the issue of “identity” and “politics” in addition to investigating how the Australian women's movement developed, and what it suggests. It also observes the activities of the aboriginal women activists as well as internationalization and politicization of the Australian women's movement.
This study virtually raises the question that the feminism of white women was the restoration of the order and gender consideration that practiced education, religion and cultural norms of the whites. It also points out that, in addition to the de-hegemony as well as the breakaway from the government-oriented Australian women's movement, it should move away from advocating the politics of the women's movement as inclusion in male-created political system. Above all, it emphasizes that the Australian women's movement must leave the contradiction of 'liberation and exclusion' and 'assimilation and enforcement' remaining in the Australian history. This study thus suggests that the Australian women's movement should start from the network of solidarity that takes into consideration of the problems and various perspectives of all the members, not just white feminists, such as Aboriginal women and migrant women, in accordance with the characteristics of multi-ethnic, multi-cultural nations.
(Catholic Kwandong University, Verum College of Liberal Arts / minklee@ cku.ac.kr)

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6감옥에 갇힌 여성 참정권 투쟁가들: 계급을 넘어선 유대 또는 계급에 따른 분열

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발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 59권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 157-195 (39 pages)

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This article aims to reconstruct the prison experiences of the suffragettes and seeks to have a deeper understanding of hunger strike and force-feeding. Revisionist feminist scholars have attempted to restore women suffrage prisoners, mostly members of the Women's Social and Political Union, in the historiography of the suffrage movement and attained a fair success in repelling the traditional and often unsympathetic view on these activists. With respect to the prison life of the suffragettes, they stress how the confinement experience united these women: those who were put in jail while seeking the Cause shared common experiences of hardship and, consequently, developed a concrete collective identity across the boundaries of class. Such explanation, however, fails to fully account for the realities as they were. This article argues that the activists' prison experiences varied, mostly depending on their social backgrounds, and that the difference often divided them, rather than uniting them. The experiences of hunger strike and subsequent forcible feeding, the most tragic and extreme part in the WSPU members' imprisonment narratives, also proved that class certainly affected the ways in which they were treated in jail. The suffragettes from middle- or higher classes, including the leaders of the WSPU, were keenly aware of their privileged status compared to their comrades from the lower social strata, even when they refused any special favor provided by the prison authority. Militant suffrage activists with working-class backgrounds often expressed their frustration as they realized that they were in a more vulnerable position than their middle-class fellows. It is also misleading to claim that the middle-class suffragettes came to familiarize themselves with a wider range of women's issues and to formed a common bond among all womankind by encountering other prisoners and wardresses from lower classes. This article maintains that it is as dangerous to idealize or mythify the suffragettes as to denigrate them, urging to take a balanced and more nuanced approach.
(Seoul National University / hjeanhwang@naver.com)

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7공동체의 안녕(Commonwealth)과 상업(Commerce): 1670년대 런던의 신축 규제 시도 실패

저자 : 윤종욱 ( Jong-ook Yoon )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 59권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 197-230 (34 pages)

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From the mid-sixteenth century until the early twentieth century, London expanded without limits. Several attempts at limiting the city's expansion did exist, however. The crown regulated new buildings near London by promulgating 80 or so proclamations from the 1580s to the 1670s. Parliament also seriously considered regulating new buildings and levying a tax on the violators as part of its policy efforts to reform and secure tax measures due to the increasing necessity of the state after the English Civil War. However, with the pamphlet published in 1678 by London's leading developer Nicholas Barbon, the pro-regulation argument faced serious challenges. Barbon expounded the idea that building contributed to commerce, and that the wealth that commerce generated provided the basis of social order. Other publications opposing the regulation accepted Barbon's argument and further appropriated the ideas of national profit and the reason of state, which began to exert influence in contemporary English society, to bolster their claim. After the 1670s, the initiative to regulate new buildings was virtually abandoned.
Barbon and others' arguments contributed to the failure of the initiative in two related ways. By introducing the new line of thought, they overcame the limitations of previous anti-regulation discussions, while directly addressing the assumptions posited by the proponents of the regulation. Arguments against the building regulation had existed for some time before Barbon, but they were not convincing enough. They had pointed out various legal and procedural flaws in the regulation, but the interpretation of the Common Law and legal principles were not conclusive enough to offer any secure support for the opponents' claim. Similarly, procedural problems could be evaded with improvements in administration. The exaggerated rhetoric of poverty employed by the opponents was also negligible. In this context, the new argument was particularly compelling because it directly addressed the premise of the pro-regulation argument on social order and proposed an alternative social model. Even until the 1670s, Parliament had relied on the regulatory language of the kings, which construed building as a 'nuisance' to society, to legitimize the regulation. Building was portrayed as a nuisance to society because it allowed a significant number of people to renounce communal bonds and obligations, the very basis of the commonwealth, by flocking to cities, which purportedly did not have sufficient means to discipline them socially. Barbon, in contrast, contended that building reinforced social order by bringing people together in cities and making them dependent on each other through trade. Such a conceptualization of society was in stark contrast to what the proponents of regulation had assumed and articulated the unsuitability of the building regulation with much more persuasiveness than before.
(Seoul National University / steph314@naver.com)

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8러시아 혁명과 내전 시기 시베리아 지역주의자의 활동과 사상적 변화: G. N. 포타닌을 중심으로

저자 : 구범모 ( Beom Mo Koo )

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 59권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 231-269 (39 pages)

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The Russian Revolution of 1917 did not pass by Siberia, and Siberia fell into chaos. Under this circumstance, Siberia's Regionalists, led by Grigori Nikolayevich Potanin, appeared at the front of the Siberian political stage. They opposed centralization and argued that Siberia should enjoy extensive autonomy as a historical unit, the 'region.'
However, there are mixed views on the Regionalism movement. On the one hand, even though Regionalism failed due to unfavorable socioeconomic conditions, it is argued that the idea itself had its own identity and influence. On the other hand, some argue that Regionalism failed not only because of socioeconomic situations, but also because of the ideology itself which did not have its own identity or influence. To understand the nature of the Regionalism movement and properly evaluate it, it is necessary to understand how major Regionalist such as Potanin actually acted after the Revolution.
Potanin advocated Regionalism from the late 19th century to improve the backwardness of Siberia. He thought that Siberia should have its own independent Duma and enjoy extensive autonomy to solve this backwardness. To realize these reforms, he believed that it was necessary for the people of Siberia to realize their identity as a Siberian and their unique interests.
After the Revolution, from May 1917, Potanin began his political career in Tomsk. He tried to establish the Siberian Regional Duma in various regional organizations. In this process, He criticized the Social Democratic Party and the Constitutional Democratic Party which seek centralization. This shows that he opposed centralization regardless of left and right, and that his regionalism had its own identity and was not just liberal elitism. This aspect is more evident in the fierce opposition of Potanin to Bolshevik.
After the October Revolution, Potanin continued to work for the establishment of Siberian Regional Duma. However, his efforts were hampered by the Social Revolutionary Party, as it sought to establish the Regional Duma which exclude the bourgeoisie, considering the power of Bolshevik. Potanin opposed this, which illustrates the conservative position of Potanin's Regionalism.
From this period, however, only conservative elitism rather than considering of regional interests stood out in the Regionalism of Potanin. In 1918 the civil war started, and the Provisional Siberian Government, which was anti-Bolshevik government in West Siberia, was a regime that looked like Regionalist government but was actually seeking centralization. But Potanin actively defended this government.
Later, after the Ufa meeting, the Provisional All-Russian Government was formed, which closed down the Regional Duma to remove the appearance of Regionalism. As such, the Provisional All-Russian Government became an apparently reactionary white military government, and Kolchak eventually took over the government through a coup. Kolchak was a character who had no consideration for Regionalism. But Potanin supported his government until the end of the Kolchak's regime.
Right after the Revolution, Potanin tried to realize his own ideas of Regionalism by showing extraordinary consideration for regional interests. But with the civil war escalating and political forces polarizing, he gradually gave up consideration to the region which was the heart of Regionalism and stuck to conservative elitism. Given this, it is not surprising that Regionalism, which had lost its distinction from other forces, disappeared from historical stage with the collapse of the Kolchak's regime.
(Seoul National University / gbm10@snu.ac.kr)

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9프랑스 공화국의 타자로서 알제리 이슬람

저자 : 이하나

발행기관 : 한국서양사연구회 간행물 : 서양사연구 59권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 271-284 (14 pages)

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