본고는 생태 환경적 요소가 서주(西周)와 서북 융족(戎族) 간 전쟁에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지 문헌자료와 청동기 명문을 통해 분석하였다. 먼저 융족이 순수한 유목 민족이라는 기존 견해를 재검토하여 정주 생활적 요소도 있었음을 지적하였다. 바로 반농반목(半農半牧)의 생활방식으로 이는 당시 생태환경과 밀접한 관계를 가진다고 보았다. 예컨대 상대(商代) 후기는 전신세(全新世) 온난기 말기로 지금보다 따뜻하여 농업 문명 위주의 정주 생활 방식의 활용 범위가 진한(秦漢)시기 보다 넓었을 것이다. 따라서 서북 융족의 생활방식도 단순히 유목적 요소만 있었다고 볼 수는 없다고 판단했다. 다음으로는 서주와 서북 융족 간 대표적 전쟁을 살피고 생태 환경적 요소가 전쟁에 미친 영향을 분석하였다. 대체적인 경향은 온난한 기후일 때 정주 농업경제에 기반 한 서주가 비교적 주도적 위치를 점하였고, 한랭 건조한 기후일 때는 융족이 공세적이고 서주가 방어적으로 되었다고 보았다. 특히 한랭 건조한 기후로 인한 생태환경 악화는 서주 농업경제의 근간을 흔들었으며, 이는 서주의 융족에 대한 통제력 약화를 불러왔다고 판단했다. 서북의 융족 역시 생태 환경이 악화되자 영토를 확장하기 위해 서주를 더욱 압박하였고, 결국 융족과 신후(申侯)의 연합공격으로 서주는 동쪽으로 수도를 옮기는 결과(洛邑으로의 천도)를 초래하였다고 분석했다.

상앙(商앙)은 중국 전통 법치이론(法治理論)의 개창자이다. 그의 최대의 공헌은 원래 법가(法家) 법치사상(法治思想)을 체계적으로 정리하여 하나의 안정적인 틀을 이룩하였다는 점이다. 아울러 성공적인 정치가로서 그는 정치적 생애 가운데서 이들 이론을 실천함으로써 이론적 가능성을 구비하였다. 그러나 상앙의 정치 이론은 국가와 사회의 구별이 불분명하게 뒤섞였으며, 법률의 도덕성을 배제하고 강력하게 추진함으로써 결국에는 엄형혹법(嚴刑酷法)이 되고 말아서 후세에 지대한 영향력을 미치게 되었다. 현재 그는 중국 전통법치 문제의 중요 거두가 되고 있다.

在漢地, 佛敎傳入之前已固有了自己固有的文化體系, 所以外來的佛敎非常難以獨立紮根. 從佛敎傳入的初期開始一直首先接觸土著文化, 而形成了以上層支配層萎中心的緊密關系. 東晋以來, 佛敎界逐漸脫離城市向偏僻的腹地擴張敎勢的同時, 語土著信仰經過共處走到競爭的階段. 雖然佛敎界利用授戒方式吸引了一些土著信仰比自己低的護法神, 但仍然不會完全屈服. 第二節, 考察了初期外來僧把上層支配層作萎傳敎對象, 采取依附土著信仰的傳敎方式. 但是在「安世高傳」里序述, 后漢末的佛敎已經征服了土著神, 敎勢擴大到以神妙的財物建立佛寺的程度. 這不是反映后汗末佛敎界的臻相, 而是引起東晋中后期佛敎敎勢的蔓延的, 同時在根以道敎萎首的土著信仰競爭過程中制造的. 佛敎界在后汗末社會混亂中向下層被支配階層逐漸擴大了傳敎對象. 窄融建立了大規模的浮圖寺, 聚集了來自各地的五千余人是反映這個事實的. 但是傳敎方式仍然依附土著信仰. 在佛敎日的浴佛儀式里, 以違背基本禁戒而聚行風盛的'酒飯', 從而減少了一半的佛敎色彩. 曹魏的嘉平年間, 洛陽的僧人連三歸戒也不接受, 幾使聚行齋悔也像'祠祀'一樣. 當時佛試圖獨立的發展是仍然恨難. 第三節, 考察了擴張的佛敎敎勢語土著信仰相互共存的狀況. 從曹魏以來, 佛敎界通過帆譯戒律, 試圖獨具禮儀, 汗人也圍了完善短缺的經典或敎理試圖了西天取景. 隨着佛敎敎勢的成張, 從而擺脫依附土著信仰的方式, 逐漸謀求了互相共處的方式. 雖然康僧會和孫吳的朝廷交流過, 通過番譯和注釋各種佛典, 主導了江南佛敎的發展. 可是在建初寺附近仍然有據行土著信仰的淫祀的人. 也无論南北地區有了旱災時, 統治者更喜歡傳統的祈雨祭. 在口高僧傳口里, 序述傳統方式失敗以后, 以佛敎式的祈雨祭而使降雨成功, 但是這似乎是萎了强調佛敎的優越性. 无論如何, 治病或者祈雨的時候, 佛敎也逐漸替代了土著信仰. 土著信仰在民間仍然盛行, 對平民百姓的影響更大. 西晋之前, 在民間遇到神醫的事時, 大部分百姓依次想起的是巫視→ 黃老→ 佛敎, 這直接反映着當時土著信仰的影響力. 到東晋中后期, 佛敎勢力蔓延, 和土著信仰的共存現象更明顯了. 在同一家族內, 各自信奉以天師道萎首的土著信仰或佛敎. 到晋末宋初, 一個人同時信奉了多樣的信仰. 而且孫恩的勢力邦助了釋法意建立延賢寺, 層翼萎了建立寺院伐木時, 只有受到山靈的邦助才可能. 雖然現有的佛敎方面資料牆調互相沖突和對抗, 但是法意和層翼的例子告訴了兩者相互之間的和平共處. 直到劉宋初期的佛敎界, 特別是被支配層內部, 仍然沒有具備以他們的敎理萎基礎的獨立信仰體系. 敎勢也像佛敎史書所傳達地一樣沒有成張到征服土著信仰的程度. 第四節, 考察了互相競爭關系. 首先, 汗地代表性土着信仰的山神和佛敎的對立已經在東晋中期呈現出. 東晋永和初, 在帛僧光竺曾經猷等根山神的競爭里, 獲得勝利, 使他們驅逐, 逐漸得到他們享有的利益. 通過佛敎敎勢的發展, 傳敎活動逐漸發展到了邊境. 從東晋末, 越過驅逐山神, 使他們授戒而引入了佛敎界. 其次, 語作萎土著神的象征的老虎或者網也競爭過. 晋末宋初, 由大量流民的南渡進行了森林開發, 在江南地區不段發生了虎災. 在『高僧傳』里傳下來的虎災大部分以佛高僧傳的方式被解釋. 縟稱的舍身, 吳道宗的宿罪觀念, 解法安的授戒的例子是典型的. 通過說法和授戒的縟化方式, 像釋僧林釋法聰, 到素梁時期仍然繼續過, 其範圍也超越建康甚至擴展到了土着信仰固的張江上游地區. 佛縟界招來老虎, 使其擔任護法神的角色. 其外, 和山精ㆍ鬼神ㆍ神也競爭過. 像求那跋陀羅,釋弘明釋慧敬, 欲建立寺院或者留下譚定時, 山精或者鬼神必須騷擾和測試他們. 但是, 山精向沙們已經表現出恭恭敬敬的態度, 常常受到授戒被收容到佛敎界. 幷且在南朝時期, 對以江南出身和現世利益有了密切聯繫的項羽將子文,蘇峻等的信仰也非常盛行. 所以, 通過佛敎式的授戒, 祠廟勢力也向佛敎界歸服. 但是, 一些祠廟信仰維持着獨立勢力, 仍然行使一定的影響力.

The exercise of beautiful virtues and value of beautiful behavior that the Doctrine of the Mean pursues are not found only in the aesthetics of East Asia. The ultimate goal of human aesthetics, social aesthetics, political aesthetics and art aesthetics pursued by Aristotle hints about the border of human aesthetics pursued by Confucius and Zisi. Both champion the pursuit of happiness through the practice of ``virtue`` of ``goodness``, and discusses the methodology and epistemology for this. Despite this, the ultimate goodness talked about by Confucius and Zisi have different theoretical structures and identities compared to the ``goodness`` pursued by Aristotle. Also, while the theoretical progression and value according to its fitness are different, there are some points that should be viewed together in terms of its essence. The Doctrine of the Mean is based on the treatise of human nature that discusses the nature of the intuitive human and morals and virtues mentioned here propose the inevitable possibilism in which all duties and responsibilities should be fulfilled. Such possibilism raises the possibilities of practicing through the essence and existence of ``ethics`` that are no intangible and invisible, and it says that the general social customs, education and institutional integration that makes this possible can achieve the ideal country. But moderation of Aristotle is virtue that focuses on the nature of the empirical man and on one hand, it is based on the pursuit of individual happiness that respects human will and freedom. He also believed that ultimate goodness is found is political aesthetics. In particular, when examining from the pursuit of ``goodness`` and character introduction discussed in ``Doctrine of the Mean``, rather than being a character with the virtues of relative goodness that could be discussed within common sense as stated above, Sun was a character that pursued absolute ``goodness`` within political and social ideas. This does not talk about being human, merciful and generous, which can be viewed to be the practical aspects of the virtues of common goodness, but introduces a conclusive character to achieve the optimal effects for rules in an ideal national society, or in other words, for political aesthetics. Accordingly, the author of the ``Xuanhe Shupu`` bases the evaluation of the political aesthetics of the 12th emperor on the Doctrine of the Mean to uplift the social order and principles of an ideal state that they wished to construct, and also deals with the importance and need for education to strengthen these norms by discussing the sensibility, creativity and practice of cultural arts.

본 논문은 전통적인 금석학의 한 분야로 법률제도와 관계가 깊은 비지의례학(碑誌義例學)에 대해 분석하였다. 특히 원대(元代) 반앙소(潘昻簫)가 편찬한 비지의례학의 기초를 확립한 『금석례(金石例)』가 차지하는 지위에 대하여 다각도로 분석하였다. 『금석례』는 금석의례학파(金石義例學派)의 발전 과정에서, 비지문체(碑誌文體)의 사회교화적(社會敎化的) 측면과 구세(救世)의 전범(典範)으로서의 기능을 강조함으로써, 금석(金石) 자료 정리와 연구의 새로운 방향을 열었다., 또한 동시에 금석학으로 하여금 초기의 관심이“예가명기제도(禮家明其制度)”였던 것에서 이후 문체상의 기능과 세속 예법 방면으로 발전하도록 함으로써 금석학의 보급 확산에 기여하는 의의도 가졌다.

This paper examines Emperor Qianlong (r. 1736-1796)'s reception of the Manjusri statue at Shuxiang si of Mount Wutai and his rationale behind the replication of it at Baoxiang si in Xiangshan (1761) and Shuxiang si in Chengde (1774). It begins by following questions: why did Qianlong commission a replication of Shuxiang si at Xiangshan in 1761 as a way of translating Mount Wutai? Why did he decide to replicate Mount Wutai again in spite of the presence of Baodi si which he commissioned ten years ago for the same purpose? Why did he newly focus on the Manjusri statue at Shuxiang si in around 1761, although he already knew about it? By answering these question, I first of all investigate the logic behind the transposition of the sacred place by Qianlong, based on J.Z. Smith's theory on the metonymical and metaphorical projects. I argue that the two projects were employed by Qianlong in the most effective way, under the rubic of bu'er, or no difference. Second, I propose that the notion of zhenrong, or true image was significant in Qianlong's re-appreciation of the Manjusri statue at Shuxiang si, which was regarded as the true image of the bodhisattva. By comparing his attitude toward the Luohan painting by Guanxiuone of the famous true images in Chinese tradition-with that toward the true image of bodhisattva Manjusri at Shuxiang si, I demonstrate that what Qianlong attempted was to shape himself as the one who could not only recognize and possess zhen, but also correct and reshape it. Finally, I highlight that the notion of zhen embedded in the Shuxiang si statue was essential in Qianlong's scheme of visually revealing his identification as the bodhisattva Manjusri. By transgressing the conceptual boundaries between zhen and its representations, he effectively conflated replicas of the true image at Xiang shan and Chengde with himself.

장건((1853-1926)은 중국 근대화의 추진의 선구자이며, 그의 교육과 산업 관련 이론들 역시 중국 근대화에 대단히 큰 영향력을 비쳤다. 이 논문은 장건이 1903년에 일본을 방문하면서 기록한 기행일기를 주목하면서 같은 시기 일본의 역사적 자료들과 비교를 시도하였다. 그가 일본을 방문한 기간 동안 참관하였던 각 지방과 메이지 유신의 성과로 여겨지는 근대화의 각종 산물들에 대한 기록은 물론 19세기 후반 서구 열강과 일본이 앞을 다투어 개최하였던 박람회 참관 기록들을 모두 연구의 대상으로 다루었다. 새로운 자료들을 동원한 이번 사례 연구를 통해 장건의 일본 기행 내용 뿐만 아니라 그 과정에서 부각되는 중국 근대화에 대한 그의 시각을 조명하고자 하였다.

Meng family members were landlords and merchants who owned massive lands and ran shops by capital from land-rent profits in Zhangqiu district of Shandong province through Qing dynasty and modern period. They ran shops named with 'Xiang' in Jinan, Qingdao, Yantai, Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai. The shops named with 'Xiang' that Meng family ran were all over the trade area of open-port and accumulated gigantic fund in late Qing and early Republic of China. Thus Meng family members changed from landowner who owned massive lands into capitalist who owned capital in large quantities. The Meng family who ran the shops named with 'Xiang' had two local characteristics in general compared with the management character of the other traditional shops in those days. First, they were managing landowners based on land-rent and expanded business through accumulated fund from land exploitation, then they bought lands using profits from business again. Once they had massive capital and extended shops they ran, they changed from landlords into capitalists. Second, their business were affected by Confucius culture based on traditional local culture of Shandong. It was absolute that the Confucius culture of Qi-Lu area affected the management character of Shandong merchants. The Qi culture that was mercantilistic pragmatism and the Lu culture that was moral courtesy were upheld by Shandong merchants and affected their characteristic, life and management ideology. This cultural tradition was applied to the management method of the traditional shop, Ruifuxiang.

蔡元培(1868-1940)是在輕末至民國初的中國社會動暢時期占有重要地位的革命家和敎育家, 辛亥革命后在中華民國首任敎育總長幷任職北京大學校長. 蔡元培在北京大學的任期(1916-1923)正植五四運動前后, 其主導的北大改革及其對新文化運動的協調語支持在五四運動中具有恨大的意義. 五四時期, 以北京大學萎主的中國思想界活躍着以開拓中國未來的目標的各種社會理想語社會改造方案, 包括民主主義ㆍ空想社會主義ㆍ无政府主義ㆍ行會社會主義ㆍ列夫·托兒斯泰的泛勞動主義以及中國式大同思想等. 1918年11月16日, 第一次世界大戰以聯合國的勝利落幕后, 蔡元培在天安們前聚行的慶祝集會上發表了題萎『勞工聖神』的演講, 鮮明提出要"認識勞工的價植"幷喊出了"勞工神聖"的口號. 這個口號在被蔡元培提出后快速傳開, 帶給五四運動中的輕年巨大的影響. 蔡元培提倡的"勞工神聖"幷非无政府主義或馬克思主義的體現, 而是"一邊勞工而一邊學習"的"工學"的意思. 在提倡"勞工神聖"的同時, 蔡元培先后發表了提萎「國外勤工兼學國內工學互助團」ㆍ「工學互助的大希望」ㆍ「社會主義史序」等的演講語文章, 以此讚揚和鼓舞工學主義. 以現代的角度來看, 蔡元培在他的文章中提出了恨朴素的主張, 幾勤工兼學. 他槍調只要這樣做, 就能實現做學問的志向. 對于他來說, 輕年的求學語勞動問題是中國社會變革的前提. 他在這些文章中認萎體力勞動和腦力勞動都是有价植的, 幾突破了輕視體力勞動的傳統觀念, 又區別于只重視體力勞動的觀點. 他借鑒了儒家古典里社會主義的理想, 引用孟子的"通功易事"來主張勞動幾天職就是一個例子. 蔡元培在探尋勞動的新价植的同時, 還大力支持學生的「工讀互助團」語「留法勤工兼學運動」等實踐活動, 對他們寄予恨大的期望. 「工讀互助團」是以學生主動集體生活萎据点, 推進社會改革的小組織運動. 「工讀互助團」則受到了无政府主義的巨大影響, 可以說是留法勤工兼學會的中國版. 蔡元培在物質和精神上都積極支持了工讀互助團, 幷特許工讀互助團的學生在北大旁聽授課. 然而, 在活動具體開展的過程中, 工讀互助團因缺乏合理的組織語規律, 在恨短的時間內失敗, 于1920年下旬解體. 留法勤工兼學運動以辛亥革命前留學法國的李石曾組織的兼學會作萎他的起源. 蔡元培認萎, 萎了創造新社會語新國民, 中國應當學習西歐. 但是留學西歐高價的費用使之難以實現, 于是蔡元培想在兼學會營造"苦學"的風氣. 兼學會把勞動者作萎對象幷萎之提供學習機會, 留法勤工兼學運動在其延張線上, 把學生作萎他的對象, 以勞動萎求學的途徑. 從1919年3月到1920年12月, 有一千六百人通過該運動留學法國. 然而第一次世界大戰后, 士兵們從戰場歸來, 經濟也跌落谷底. 在這樣的大環境下, 勤工留學的學生難以繼續留在法國. 希望通過``敎育救國``的主張建設新中國的蔡元培以工讀互助團和留法勤工兼學運動萎具體其具實踐活動. 然而工讀互助團因萎无視現生活的理想主義運動, 留法勤工兼學運動因萎世界大危机的影響, 最終都失效了, 是``書生政治家``語敎育家蔡元培的理想的挫折, 體現了其認識的失效.

本文剖析了最近中國在與日本的矛盾加劇的情況下, 通過通過反日歷史攻勢加强``抗日愛國``記憶的新的趨勢. 對一個集體的歷史記憶産生影響的要素源于政治ㆍ情感ㆍ學術等三個領域. 本文就2014年首次被中國制定爲國家紀念日的抗戰勝利紀念日, 從兩個方面作了闡述; 在學術方面以抗日相關資料的調察與出版ㆍ硏究和學術會議增加做分析, 在情感和政治方面則通過紀念日和紀念館而進行的抗日愛國敎育加以分析. 令外, 還分析了在中國愛國慨念的開展和變遷, 日本對中國的``反日``歷史攻勢與``抗日愛國``的反論與反應, 中國的抗日愛國邏輯. 最近中國的歷史敎育界指出了中國加强``抗日愛國``而帶來的弊端, 認爲愛國主義敎育帶來逆效果, 一再重複的抗日愛國活動無法引起學生的共鳴. 中國雖然高度評價臺灣的抗日鬪爭, 竝意圖與臺灣共同抗日, 但是在學術與政治方面雙方有區別. 外媒媒體批評中國加强抗日愛國記憶的目的幷非是批判日本的軍國主義而是利用民族主義宣揚中國國防的重要性. 也有人指出, 中國加强抗日愛國的內容中缺乏對國際和平這一普遍價値的認識. 如果中國的抗戰紀念館所展示的內容要對日本和世界具有說服力, 就應該從人類普遍的人權問題接近, 而不是强調日本侵略的殘暴性. 中國的抗戰紀念館强調和平, 但是和平紀念館不只是建立大規模的建築或者强調愛國心的空間, 他應該是敎育人們正確歷史的空間, 是追求和平連帶的紀念館. 中國的愛國主義敎育基地應該爲期盼和平的東亞人的歷史敎育所積極利用. 期待本文關于中國加强抗日愛國的分析有助于今后探討在東亞何爲正確的愛國主義敎育方向.