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충북사학회(구 충북대학교 사학회)> 충북사학> 신라말 고려초의 강릉호족(江陵豪族) 왕순식(王順式)

신라말 고려초의 강릉호족(江陵豪族) 왕순식(王順式)

Wang, Sunsik, the powerful family in Gangneung between the late Silla dynasty and the early Korea dynasty

신호철 ( Ho Cheol Shin )
  • : 충북사학회
  • : 충북사학 25권0호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2010년 08월
  • : 5-31(27pages)
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This paper is on the activities of Wang, Sunsik who was one of the powerful families in Gangneung between the late Silla dynasty and the early Korea. Up to now, it has been generally accepted in the academic world that Wang, Sunsik was one of Kim`s family in Gangneung or a descendent of Kim, Juwon, the King of Myeongju. But it is not based on the trustful historical sources. Such insistence lacks trust in that it is based on the family tree and some regional magazines published in the recent modern period, and it might be insisted without trust only from the fact that he was a powerful family in Gangneung area in the late Silla period. It is known that he was at first called without family name, which was very popular among regional powerful families in post-three kingdom period, and he started to use the family name, Wang, since he received it from Wang, Gun, as a reward of self-surrender. Moreover, Wang, Sunsik was not related to Kim, Juwon referring to family tree, and he had built his power by himself in his period, rather than depended on the power of Kim, Juwon. Wang, Sunsik had grown as a powerful family gathering his own executive power in Gangneung area before and after 900 year. This period was very chaotic, in 894 Gungye called himself General and built his power in Gangneung, but he moved from Gangneung to Cheolwon just within one year. After that, Wang, Gun expelled Gungye and moved the capital city from Cheolwon to Gaegyeong. Like this, both Gungye and Wang, Gun paid no attention to power in Gangneung area because they had to indulge in the power relation with post-Baekje and Silla. At that time, Wang, Sunsik can built his own executive power during the chaotic period. In the early Korea dynasty, Sunsik was as much powerful as he can compete against Wang, Gun. But as the national system of Korea got more stable, Sunsik eventuallysurrendered himself to Wang, Gun. The surrender of Wang, Sunsik to Korea was specially rewarded, distinct from other powerful families. The process of surrender had taken at least 10 years, and the reward of it was also the highest level exceptionally. It proves that Wang, Sunsik was much more powerful than other powerful families. Wang, Sunsik played the essential role in commanding his own executive military by himself in unification war with post-Baeje dynasty, after self-surrender of him to Korea. But the position of Wang, Sunsik seemed to be much weakened, after unification of three kingdoms. Besides Wang, Sunsik, both Ye and Gyeong among powerful families in Gangneung also received family name, Wang, from Wang, Gun. Among the three powerful families such as Wang, Sunsik family, Wang, Ye family and Wang, Gyeong family, it is recorded that both Wang, Ye family and Wang, Gyeong family had ever married Wang, Gun. Especially Wang, Ye was in charge of the position, Naesaryeong, his descents were also a member of aristocracy, and his family got more power. Meanwhile, there is no record on the descendents of Wang, Sunsik. It makes sense that they might be constrained from the central aristocracy of Korea or disappear by defeat of the competition among the powerful families.

UCI(KEPA)

I410-ECN-0102-2012-910-001849472

간행물정보

  • : 인문과학분야  > 기타(인문과학)
  • :
  • :
  • : 반년간
  • : 1225-245x
  • :
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 1987-2011
  • : 217


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1경우락의(景祐樂議) 서병(書屛)의 사료적(史料的) 가치(價値)

저자 : Deok Shik Min

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 26권 0호 발행 연도 : 2011 페이지 : pp. 5-38 (34 pages)

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The size of a written folding screen is middle and it`s width is wide. It`s original height was 3 ja 7 chi. A paper that is rice paper of written folding screen was well made. This paper assumed from paper`s quality that it was made by government office. The thickness of it is very thin. The paper was slightly different from the location made and it shows local feature. Thus it help to understand character of this written folding screen that folding screen was written on good quality paper that was made by government office. Parkyeon was made hwangjongyulgwan that it`s diameter was 3 bun 4 li 6 ho 4 sa. We assume that Howon`s hwangjongyulgwan influence production of our country`s hangjongyulgwan. A hwangjongyulgwan is standard of 12 youlgwan. It was assumed from restored hwangjongyulgwan that the hwangjongyulgwan`s length was 31.41cm and diameter was 0.99cm. This folding screen was written by Jaam Kimku who was a master calligrapher and had profound knowledge of music, and in charge of Jangakwonjeong. The writter of written folding screen is same the farewell poem in national museum. This written folding screen was made by government and used in Jangakwon. There is no written folding screen that is related music before Imjinwaelan, so the historical value of this written folding screen is very high.

2동학농민군 유해발굴의 추진현황과 의미

저자 : 우종윤 ( Jong Yoon Woo )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 26권 0호 발행 연도 : 2011 페이지 : pp. 39-61 (23 pages)

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Donghak Peasants` Army`s exhumation is staying at basic grade because it have currently finished only 4 cases. Through analysis of exhumed 4 cases in nationalwide, we systematized exhuming procedure and progressive research, and checked it`s meaning of scholar the process of exhumation. Donghak Peasants` Army`s exhumation provides us with useful scholar information for understanding man who lived its time through finding historical fact, checking identity, recovery honor, and exhumed corpse. And various meterials of exhumation inherit Donghak Peasants`s ideology, it is valuable material about education, study, and pushing forward enhancement project. Therefore the basic research of Donghak Peasants` Army`s exhumation and exhumation need consistant process.

3광무양안을 통해 본 충북 소읍민의 경제상황

저자 : 정경임 ( Gyoung Im Jeong )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 26권 0호 발행 연도 : 2011 페이지 : pp. 63-120 (58 pages)

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This study examined the economic conditions of the small town residents by comparing Chungju and Jincheon in which previous studies were conducted with statistics of Yang An (land registers) in three small towns such as Yeongchun, Yeonpung and Hoein. The quality of land was poorer and the mean area of land was smaller in small town than those of the big and middle towns. Not many rich farmers were present among Siju(時主, land owner) in small town. Since they held less average Kyul (land unit), the average Kyul(結) that individual Siju held in small town was lower than that in big town. In contrast, middle, small and poor famer classes in small town showed the almost same economic conditions as those in big and middle towns. Since the landowners had smaller lands compared to those in big town, the difference in possession of lands between classes showed the small compared to the big town. It was difficult to select the landowners among rich farmers with the same basis applied in big and middle towns. However, since the similar types of management of landowners appeared as commercial landowners, absentee landowners, and tenancy cropping landowners, they could be compared. It has been known that conditions of those who had no farm in small town among tenancy farmers were poorer in small town than those in big town. In addition, the results of analysis on structure of the Myenri in big and devastated towns through Yang An showed that the structure of the Myenri system itself did not resolve the imbalance between Gun and Hyun (towns), but it rather strengthened the imbalance between big and small towns. As a result, as it came close to the 20thcentury, the imbalance between Gun and Hyun and the collapse of devastated town have been accelerated. With such a premise, we need to think one more about the reinforcement of the Myenri system conducted as national policy since the 17thcentury and its purpose. Even if more discussion are needed in the future, we don`t think that politicians at that time were not aware of the fact that if the operation of collection system based on unit of town with recognizing the difference between Myuns of big town and small town was strengthened, imbalance between Gun and Hyun and burden of devastated town residents grew heavier. Nevertheless, if they attempted to strengthen the collection, we assume that the purpose must strengthen to control tax source and increase the amount of collected tax with enduring the imbalance of taxes and the hardship of devastated town residents. And these heartless policies and wrong attitudes of politicians were the major causes to generate social chaos and farmers` resistance in the 19thcentury.

4역사교육에서 객관성의 문제: 1920-30년대 산미증식계획을 어떻게 가르칠까?

저자 : 전병철 ( Byong Chul Jeon )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 26권 0호 발행 연도 : 2011 페이지 : pp. 121-150 (30 pages)

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The skepticism of post-modernism denies the objectivity of history recognition. What is the objectivity in history recognition? Is objectivity something which is impossible? How should the history be taught? This study has tried to solve the problem of objectivity by setting the problem of recognizing the rice crop augmentation plan of 1920-30``s as an example. To make this possible, the concept of objectivity and the possibility of objectification have been considered. And the plan for actual history lecture was searched. Objectivity had a meaning of ``best thing``. The effort of human race toward the best, this is the logic of objectification that can exceed the post-modernistic skepticism. Actually, the expansion of time, expansion of space or expansion of perspective makes objectification possible on the level of human race. The academic possibility started from personal aspect of a historian and accomplished as historical studies. Here, the academic controversy is an important process of objectification. Therefore, the history education needs to focus on the objectification process based on academic controversy. Such logic can be applied to the study problem of rice crop augmentation plan. Now the teachers would have to reveal the process of objectification to the students. The process argued by exploitation and development will be embodied within the cognitive structure of the students. For this, inquiry and discussion activity, etc can be utilized. Among them, an example of the discussion lesson presented by this paper could be actually utilized in the scene of education. And it would make more objective recognition by the students.

5방데전쟁과 신자유주의(neo-liberalisme)

저자 : 오광호 ( Kwang Ho Oh )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 26권 0호 발행 연도 : 2011 페이지 : pp. 151-184 (34 pages)

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Le neoliberalisme est le mercantilisme dont le noyau est la liberte. C`est le mecanisme qui permit a la bourgeoisie d`accumuler plus de richesse apres le brisement du regime socialiste de l`U.R.S.S et de l`Europe de l`Est, ceci par moyen d`accumulation de la depossession d`autrui. Il detruit en meme temps, la protection du faible, a la fois par la creation du marche en vertu de marchandises et privatisation, et par la vie individuelle par contraste de la mondialisation. En represailles de cela, on exige la justice sociale et fait des monuments de la Paix verte, le Forum social du monde, LET, etc. Je pense qu`il y a des ressemblances entre les mouvements anti-neoliberalistes et la guerre de Vendee qui avait battue l`economie liberale pendant la Revolution francaise. Bien sur, les vendeens s`etaient revoltes contre la levee de 300 mille hommes. Dans ce cas, les Girondins qui ont declare la guerre, ont change la politique de la guerre en conquerant. C`est a dire que la Convention nationale a proclame la liberation de l`emprise feodale pour la depossession des pays relatifs. Le prix de la guerre doit etre recompense sur place. Les allies, y compris l`Angleterre, ont prepare l`attaque contre la France. Le gouvernement revolutionnaire a enfin, decrete la levee. Et les vendeens ripostaient negativement. Selon M. Mathiez, la guerre de Vendee a mis la Gironde au tombeau. Pourquoi les vendeens creusaient-ils la tombe de la Gironde? D`abord, les Girondins ont intensifie les avantages pour les possedants. Les vendeens -bordiers- contrairement, n`ont pas assouvi leurs convoitises. Ils ont deplus en la vente des biens nationaux, les contributions foncieres, l`imposition mobiliere, les assignats en circulation, etc. En un mot, ils ont du subir des epreuves sociales et economiques sous l`effet de l`economie liberale. Le gouvernement revolutionnaire de 1793 a deconstruit l`identite republicaine pour les vendeens, de sorte qu`ils ont repugne au tirage au sort. En effet, il y a des similarites entre le neoliberalisme actuel et l`economie liberale sous la Revolution francaise. C`est surtout, le principe de la depossession des inferieurs pour la grande bourgeoisie.

6제2차 세계대전 후 프랑스의 경제관련 부역자 처벌의 모호성: 마리우스 베를리에(Marius Berliet)의 경우

저자 : 신동규 ( Dong Gue Shin )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 26권 0호 발행 연도 : 2011 페이지 : pp. 185-209 (25 pages)

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This article questions the ambiguity of the criteria used in the evaluation of collaborationist economic activities in France during World War II. In spite of the social and political situation after the war, retribution against economic collaboration was carried out to a minimum in order to reconstruct French society destroyed by war. Thus, the conviction against Marius Berliet for collaboration constituted an exceptional case apart from the Renault company, which was nationalized on account of "high treason" against the Nation. Why was Marius Berliet accused of collaboration? Marius Berliet (1866-1949) was a French industrialist and the founder of Berliet automobile company based in Lyon. In September 1944, he was arrested by the Resistance and convicted of collaborating with Nazi Germany during the Second World War. His firm was immediately sequestrated by a decree from the Commissaire de la Republique. Then a provisional administrator, who was a member of the French Communist Party, was appointed to manage the company. A management committee` (comite de gestion) was organized for the purposes of soliciting worker participation in the production process. This experiment contributed to the democratization of employer-employee relationship in France in the postwar period. But, this decision was unjust and absurd for the Berliet family. Marius Berliet insisted on his innocence, arguing that his company had delivered less cars to Germany during the war than the other French automobile companies such as Peugeot and Citroen. Thus, the motivation behind Berliet`s conviction was not simply about economic collaboration, but was politically motivated. This article aims to analyze the process of image construction of a tyrant employer to understand how the accusation of Marius Berliet was based on his relationship with the partisans of Resistance who were predominantly communists and trade unionists.

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1신라말 고려초의 강릉호족(江陵豪族) 왕순식(王順式)

저자 : 신호철 ( Ho Cheol Shin )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 25권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 5-31 (27 pages)

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This paper is on the activities of Wang, Sunsik who was one of the powerful families in Gangneung between the late Silla dynasty and the early Korea. Up to now, it has been generally accepted in the academic world that Wang, Sunsik was one of Kim`s family in Gangneung or a descendent of Kim, Juwon, the King of Myeongju. But it is not based on the trustful historical sources. Such insistence lacks trust in that it is based on the family tree and some regional magazines published in the recent modern period, and it might be insisted without trust only from the fact that he was a powerful family in Gangneung area in the late Silla period. It is known that he was at first called without family name, which was very popular among regional powerful families in post-three kingdom period, and he started to use the family name, Wang, since he received it from Wang, Gun, as a reward of self-surrender. Moreover, Wang, Sunsik was not related to Kim, Juwon referring to family tree, and he had built his power by himself in his period, rather than depended on the power of Kim, Juwon. Wang, Sunsik had grown as a powerful family gathering his own executive power in Gangneung area before and after 900 year. This period was very chaotic, in 894 Gungye called himself General and built his power in Gangneung, but he moved from Gangneung to Cheolwon just within one year. After that, Wang, Gun expelled Gungye and moved the capital city from Cheolwon to Gaegyeong. Like this, both Gungye and Wang, Gun paid no attention to power in Gangneung area because they had to indulge in the power relation with post-Baekje and Silla. At that time, Wang, Sunsik can built his own executive power during the chaotic period. In the early Korea dynasty, Sunsik was as much powerful as he can compete against Wang, Gun. But as the national system of Korea got more stable, Sunsik eventuallysurrendered himself to Wang, Gun. The surrender of Wang, Sunsik to Korea was specially rewarded, distinct from other powerful families. The process of surrender had taken at least 10 years, and the reward of it was also the highest level exceptionally. It proves that Wang, Sunsik was much more powerful than other powerful families. Wang, Sunsik played the essential role in commanding his own executive military by himself in unification war with post-Baeje dynasty, after self-surrender of him to Korea. But the position of Wang, Sunsik seemed to be much weakened, after unification of three kingdoms. Besides Wang, Sunsik, both Ye and Gyeong among powerful families in Gangneung also received family name, Wang, from Wang, Gun. Among the three powerful families such as Wang, Sunsik family, Wang, Ye family and Wang, Gyeong family, it is recorded that both Wang, Ye family and Wang, Gyeong family had ever married Wang, Gun. Especially Wang, Ye was in charge of the position, Naesaryeong, his descents were also a member of aristocracy, and his family got more power. Meanwhile, there is no record on the descendents of Wang, Sunsik. It makes sense that they might be constrained from the central aristocracy of Korea or disappear by defeat of the competition among the powerful families.

2조선시대(朝鮮時代) 내지봉수(內地烽燧)의 구조(構造),형태(形態)

저자 : 김주홍 ( Ju Hong Kim )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 25권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 33-56 (24 pages)

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A signal fire was a military communication tool for notifying of an emergency situation occurring on the borders and coastal areas of the central government during the Joseon Dynasty. This system was carried out through an agreed upon signal delivery system using torches and smoke. This system was utilized in a primitive way since the ancient Three Nation Period and it was regularly used in the Coryo Dynasty. Then, during the time of King Sejong in the Joseon Dynasty it was largely organized and operated nationally until 1895. Therefore, it was in the Joseon Dynstany that the signal fire system was used as the communication system in the most developed form in premodern society. Signal fires are classified into Capital (Kyung) signal fires, Coastal (Yeonbyeon) signal fires, and Zoning (Gweonseol) signal fires according to the individual properties. As the building method varied according to each signal fire, the structure and form of the signal fire varied as well. An inland signal fire, which is to be reviewed in this thesis, refers to the signal fires that were located inland, taking on the connective role between the signal fires on a distant borderline area and with the centralized Capitol signal fire located in the capital city. This study focuses on three features of inland signal fires among the various features, one being a protective wall, a smoke-producing stand, and an entrance facility. The protective wall was of various plane types according to the geographical conditions and the average size was 70-80m. Most smoke-producing stands were located inside the protective wall but sometimes they were located outside. The entrance facility signal fires differed in numbers and building method; however, most of them were open-style. Thisstudy provides an opportunity to understand the general structure and form of inland signal fires.

3제월당(霽月堂) 송규렴(宋奎濂)의 향촌활동(鄕村活動)과 사회사상(社會思想)

저자 : 송운호 ( Woon Ho Song )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 25권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 57-81 (25 pages)

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I studied Song, Gyu-ryeom`s life through his `Annual Report` and writing series, `Jewoldangjip` and the ideology of the society that he lived in through the country activity. Song, Gyu-ryeom was a famous Confucian scholar who lived in Hoedeok at the latter Choseon dynasty. He was called the one of the three prominent `Songs` with Uam, Song, Si-yeol, and Dongchundang, Song, Jun-gil. The reason why Song, Gyu-ryeom`s ancestors who lived in Hoedeok was that Song, Myung-eui(Song, Gyu-ryeom`s 10th ancestor) settled there as he became the son-in-law of Hwang, Su who lived in Hoedeok. Since then many famous Confucian scholars came out of Eunjin Songs` family members and they thrived through marrying the nobles. When Song, Gyu-ryeom was a boy, he experienced Byeonjahoran and the fall of the Ming Dynasty. He also spend his adolescence under the mood that people insisted to conquer the Cheong Dynasty. So it made him follow Song, Si-yeol and Song, Jun-gil`s political and ideologic way and he learned the basic of study from them. Song, Gyu-ryeom was respected as a Confucian scholar in Hoedeok. He emphasized `Hyangeumjurye`, `Hyangsarye`, `Reading methods` at the society of the country. `Hyangeumjurye` means that Confucian scholars in the country gathered at Hyanggyo or Seowon and had a feast with prominent Confucian scholars. The Confucians learned the manner to respect honest people, to take care of the old people, and to experience good courtesy there. Also he taught students devotionally at the Sunghyeonseowon. In 1672(Sukjong 2nd year), he built the Jewoldang inside his house and spent his whole life on studying Confucianism and teaching students. Teaching students at the Jewoldang and the Sunghyeonseowon was theoretical part and Hyangeumjurye was the reformation project which included the education of practical manner. Like this, Song, Gyu-ryeomtried to carry out `manner` through personality based on Neo-Confucianism And Song, Gyu-ryeom also had the social ideology of the autonomy of the country. That idea was shown in the preface of Hoedeok Hyangyack(1672) that he wrote. Hoedeok Hyangyack was made into one book with Hoedeok Hyangyan. Then Song, Si-yeol made the preface of Hoedeok Hyangyan and Song, Jun-gil wrote it. And Song, Gyu-ryeom wrote the preface of Hyangyack which was attached to the back of Hyangyan. He was the core member to make the Hoedeok Hyangyack with two Songs. The reason why he was called as the one of the three Songs of Hoedeok might be due to this work. Hyangyack was the regulation that Hyangwon made for education and cooperation of the country people. So the Hoedeok Hyangyack also had the content like that. The Jewoldang was the place where Song, Gyu-ryeom studied and taught students with all effort at his old age. Also it was the place where he built for just studying after he abandoned his will to have a government position. The education place like this was the sign that he wanted to live with the nature and worked hard for teaching students. Song, Gyu-ryeom`s country activity showed his social ideology to improve national customs from the country customs with the spread of Hyangyack.

4명성황후(明成皇后)의 어필(御筆)

저자 : 민덕식 ( Deok Shik Min )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 25권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 83-118 (36 pages)

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A text of empress Myeongseong(明成皇后) shows that her character was calm, cool, strict, exact and delicate. In a word, she was a strong personality and a woman with distinct and drive. And she had a dignified appearance and an iron hand in a velvet glove. A text of empress Myeongseong was based on Guyangsun`s style(歐陽詢體). And it show partially style of Anjingyeong(顔眞卿) and Yugonggweon(柳公權). Her remained art works show that empress Myeongseong concerned calligraphy in the thirties. She gave trusted courtiers who were Leejoyeon(李祖淵) in thirty four years old and Minyounhwan (閔泳煥), Leebeomjin(李範晉), Jeongnakyong(鄭洛鎔), Kimgubok (金圭復), Hwangyunmyeon (黃允明), and Kimkyuseok(金圭錫) in thirty five years old and Minyounhwan, Simsuntaek (沈舜澤) and Minyeongdal(閔泳達) in later thirty years old special tablets and scrolls to increase royalty to royal family. Especially, she wrote excellent folding screens Haklimcheongdamsippokbyeong(鶴林淸談十幅屛) and Jasubyoung(刺繡屛) and excellent tablets Chwigan(翠磵), Unhyangokjojae(芸香玉藻齋) after later thirty years old. If you compare texts before middle thirty years old and texts after thirty years old on improving writing skill, you confirmed how focused she devote herself to write calligraphy in busy time. Her character made this progress in busy life of court.

5“중경(重慶)” 한국독립당(韓國獨立黨)의 결성과 활동에 대하여

저자 : 조범래 ( Beom Rae Cho )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 25권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 119-153 (35 pages)

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The subject of this article is `Chongqing` Korean Independence Party. This article is focused on the process, circumstance, activity, especially in the The Provisional Assembly of The Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea of `Chongqing` Korean Independence Party. Korean Independence Party was the party composed in 1930 with 28 nationalists centering the Provisional Government. This was `Shanghai` Korean Independence Party. This party had been broken up because of participation into National Revolution Party in November 1935. But Kim Ku and other people of `Shanghai` Korean Independence Party didn`t join National Revolution Party against the theory of The Provisional Government, and they organized Korean National Party. Cho So-Ang and other people defected from National Revolution Party because of the difference of the way of independence movement and the ideology of National Revolution Party and reorganized Korean Independence Party in September 1935(Reorganized Korean Independence Party). In May 1940, these three right-wings group, Korean national Party, Reorganized Korean Independence Party and Korean Revolution Party which was organized by Ji Cheong-Chun and other people after defection from National Revolution Party in April 1937, united and organized `Chongqing` Korean Independence Party. Until left-wings group like National Revolution Party participated in The Provisional Assembly of The Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, it was maintained to one-party regime of Korean Independence Party. Only after the participation of the left-wings group, The Provisional Assembly developed from one-party regime to multi-party system, and it could have the change as the ruling party of Korean Independence Party and the opposition party of National Revolution Party. Afterorganization of Reunification Assembly in October 1942, Korean Independence Party sometimes discussed aggressively several Provisional Constitution, reorganizing problem of Provisional Government, revision of National Foundation Platform of the Republic of Korea with the opposite parties like National Revolution Party. In 1930s, the modern parties like Korean Independence Party had appeared, and based on this, the party politics has started in modern and comtemporary history of Korea. With the organization of Korean Independence Party, the political party of the congressmen in the Provisional Assembly, and the participation of the left-wings groups has made the Provisional Assembly changed. The foundation of these changes was `Chongqing` Korean Independence Party. Therefore, the origin of political parties in congress political history is on the Korean Independence Party organized in Shanghai, China in January 1930.

6미군정기(美軍政期) 청주지역(淸州地域)의 사회동향(社會動向)과 동맹휴학(同盟休學)

저자 : 김형석 ( Hyeong Seok Kim )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 25권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 155-181 (27 pages)

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This study is intended to examine the nature of social conditions in Cheongju where students collectively withdrew from school during the period of U. S. military regime immediately after the liberation of Korea from Japan. While Korea was under control of the leftist forces, the military regime was established by U. S. armed forces that occupied Korean Peninsula with anti communistic ideology without acknowledging anything other than military government. To resist the powerful leftists, the rightists were in favor of U. S. military forces that cracked down on the radicals. There were several conflicts between the right and the left in Chungcheongbuk-do, ending up with the right and U. S. forces` suppression of their counterpart. The circle of education was also led by the right wing or figures that had none of negative attitudes against their invader during the period of Japanese occupation in Korea, including the province that was also led by right oriented teachers and educational official servants. One of suppressions against anti government forces was to allow educational authorities to dismiss left oriented teachers who were falsely accused of agitating populaces or doing threatening behaviors or against dispositions of school principals which seemed to be enough to raise complaints from them, thus driving students to leave their schools temporarily. The event which students conspired to temporarily leave their schools in Cheonju wastriggered by the left oriented ones who were negative against principals who were appointed by educational authorities which took measures to fire the left wing teachers. This could be attributed to the fact that existing conflicts between the right and the left in the educational fields got more emergent, instigating Cheongju Middle School and its neighboring schools to do combined acts. The educational authorities in Chungcheongbuk-do assumed to accept to reappoint both teachers and teaching staff who had been expelled, without taking any specific actions, so prompting students to be absent from theirschools again. In the course of oppression, the authorities that could be said to belong to the right wing stuck to a hard-line stance against resisting students, requested police to arrest students as well as punished them. Their collective absence from school was an exemplary anti-action against authorities of conservative rightists`crackdowns on leftists, during the occupation of U. S. military forces in Korea, to which their plot was reported to have been of sizable and influential. It would be meaningful in that their staying out of school temporarily was influentially referred to in the requirements for leave of absences from middle or higher schools nationwide and statements of organizations and supported by them.

7반역법의 강화와 사회적 변화 -에드워드 왕들의 통치기를 중심으로-

저자 : 홍성표 ( Seong Pyo Hong )

발행기관 : 충북사학회 간행물 : 충북사학 25권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 183-213 (31 pages)

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For Glanvill the law of treason was a mixture of Roman and Germanic ideas. The great influence of treason act was the writing of Bracton. In the matter of procedure to be employed in cases of treason, Bracton supplemented Glanvill. In the reign of the king Edwards, England suffered considerably as a result of their military involvements. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, king Edwards` subjects represented themselves as oppressed, and the country as impoverished as a result of the way in which men, money and supplies had been raised for war. Expensive as the conquest of Wales was, far more was spent on the wars with France and Scotland in the king Edwards reign. What could be done? King Edwards could revive their feudal rights to aids and could levy tallage on their demesnes. English trade could be exploited by means of heavier customs duties. While the war in Scotland and France remained popular, king Edwards could rely on the military support of many of the magnates and clergy. But king Edwards could not abandon the war in Scotland. And added to all the problems inherited from Edward I was one new one, that of the king`s relationship with magnates. The costs of the campaigns made the crown increasingly dependent on the grant of taxation by its subjects. The demands made for military service, for money and for goods prompted political opposition. The treason under the first two Edwards was then the development of conviction on the king`s record. King Edwards` intent was primarily to extend treason for political purposes. From the succession of Edward III the use of the king`s record in trials of treason disappeared save where the crime was one of fighting the king in open war. So enactment of the treason act of 1352 was derived from arbitrary punishments which hadruined so many noble families in the reign of Edward II. But the king was never restricted to direct relations only with his tenants-in-chief. Ultimately everybody owed their service and an overriding obligation of allegiance to the king himself. In this circumstances, contents of the treason act of king Edwards was strengthened. So we can assert that the English social structure in the reign of king Edwards was Bastard Feudalism.

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