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수록범위 : 1권0호(1965)~75권0호(2021) |수록논문 수 : 818
사림(성대사림)
75권0호(2021년 01월) 수록논문
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KCI등재

14월 혁명 전후 정치 사회적 '中立化' 담론의 부상과 굴절

저자 : 신창훈 ( Changhoon Shin )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 75권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 1-28 (28 pages)

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Examined in this article is emergence and decline of the sociopolitical 'Neutralization' discourse around the April Revolution in 1960. In the 1950s, democracy system in South Korea was disintegrated since Syngman Rhee regime privately mobilized nation apparatus and social organization for its political purpose. In response, insisting on the separation of public and private spheres, intellectuals argued that the former should remain neutral among the latter. This idea has been a historically significant attempt in terms of “Koreanization” of democracy because it was intended to complement contents of democracy system by reflecting the political context in South Korea.
The discourse, which based on institutional independence and personnel purge as its two axes, had a profound impact on the reform of Korean society after the April Revolution. Paradoxically, the revolution was also a dramatic trigger for the discourse to be distorted. The very first question raised by the discourse was about the political appropriation of Korean society by the Syngman Rhee regime. However, coupled with the expansion of public participation in politics after the Revolution, a logic that criticizes politicization as a whole was derived. It led the center of discourse in the direction of de-politicization.
This shift could justify criticism of liberal democratic intellectuals toward political participation. Paradox that the criticism directed at the subject of political appropriation returned to the object could also be concealed. However, it hastened decline of the discourse. The more the discourse leaned toward direction of de-politics, the further away it was from the political freedom and aspirations of people after the revolution. Eventually, after a short period around the April Revolution, 'Neutralization' could no longer cover reformative implications. It implied not only the paradoxical end of the neutralization discourse, but also historical limitation of conservative intellectuals in the 1950's.

KCI등재

21964년 언론윤리위원회법 파동과 그 귀결

저자 : 이재석 ( Lee¸ Jae-seok )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 75권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 29-60 (32 pages)

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This research focuses on the upheaval and consequence of Media Ethics Committee Law in 1964. After the upheaval, the world of media had to show regulating themselves. The world of media, for example, expanded the function of Korean Press Ethics Committee. In the process, Korean Press Ethics Committee applied an interpretation based on not 'ethics', but 'anticommunism law' about a serious slip of the pen in “Busan Ilbo.” Publishers were increasingly concerned about the commercial issues of the media and were less interested in media freedom. Some of the people who led the Movements against Media Ethics Committee law made relationship with the regime.
Park's government continued to attempt to intervene in the media even after upheaval of Media Ethics Committee Law. The Ministry of Public Information continued to investigate media issues on its own, and agents of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency staffed and stayed in the editorial office or the news station. In these situations, the media could not criticize the government as it did during Movements against the Korea-Japan conference in 1964. In the end, upheaval of Media Ethics Committee Law laid the foundation for government media control that continued throughout the military regime.

KCI등재

3한국정치사의 주요국면에 대한 『한국기독공보』 보도 행태 - 4월 혁명, 10월 유신, 그리고 6월 항쟁을 중심으로 -

저자 : 손승호 ( Son Seung-ho )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 75권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 61-91 (31 pages)

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From the time of liberation until 1987, the history of the Gazette of the Presbyterian Church of Korea is in line with the history of the Korean Ecumenical Movement. At the end of the Japanese Colonial Period, the ecumenical camp, which was a pro-Japanese force at the end of the Japanese Colonial Period, maintained its church power through collusion between the pro-American and pro-Rhee Syngman. The start can be said to be the Southern Conference and the Korean National Council of Churches. It seems that the Gazette, which started as a newsletter for the Southern Conference, could not have been free from it either. When the Korean National Council of Churches found out that the April Revolution was an uncontrollable trend of the times, it broke up with Rhee Syngman. The Gazette also broke up with Rhee Syngman.
It was similar in relation to the October Restoration. It was also confirmed that the opinions of the ecumenical movement and the Gazette of the Presbyterian Church of Korea, which sensed the danger of the Yushin Constitution but failed to directly oppose it until the passage of the referendum, were in a similar vein to those who later jumped into the democratic and human rights movements when emergency measures posed a risk to the religious community. And thanks to the experience of historical struggles in the 1970s and 1980s, he actively assimilated with the huge wave of Korean democratization leading up to The June Struggle for Democracy, confirming that the Gazette of the Presbyterian Church of Korea was historically an ecumenical media.

KCI등재

4수정본 『발해고』와 『해동역사』 발해 기사의 비교 연구

저자 : 김종복 ( Kim Jong-bok )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 75권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 93-121 (29 pages)

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Yu Deuk-Gong compiled the Balhae-go (A Study of the Palhae Kingdom) while claiming the theory of Northern and Southern Kingdoms instead of Silla's legitimacy in Korean history. Even though the Balhae-go was modified several times by him, it bequeath some limitations because of a lack of Korean historical materials regarding the Palhae. The attempt to supplement the insufficient Korean history with Chinese records were not successful for Yu Deuk-Gong, but it was feasible for Han Chi-Yoon. Han Chi-Yoon succeeded the direction of Yu Deuk-Gong and supplemented thresholds in the segement of Palhae of Haedong-yeoksa (A Hisotry of Ancient Korea). That is, the Annals of Palhae of Haedong-yeoksa was in succession to the theory of the Northern and Southern Kingdoms, and modified some mistakes of Balhae-go such as the use of the year of Balhae kings, the use of new materials, and the deepening of geographical research.

KCI등재

5조선 초기 관료의 관청이동을 통해 본 주요 통치기구의 위상 - HAVNet 자료를 중심으로 -

저자 : 최상일 ( Choi Sangil ) , 백승민 ( Paek Seungmin ) , 최지우 ( Choi Jiwoo ) , 예홍진 ( Yeh Hongjin ) , 이상국 ( Lee Sangkuk )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 75권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 123-145 (23 pages)

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This paper is an introductory study to comprehensively grasp the betweenness centrality of government offices in the early Joseon dynasty using HAVNet data. The process of extracting data around the “Annals of the Joseon Dynasty” and designing and building HAVNet as the basis for research was conducted by history and computer science researchers, which were not the usual method in Korean historical research until now. The approach and analysis results carried out in this study are fundamentally different from previous studies related to the government organizations in the early Joseon dynasty. It is unique study in that it was analyzed based on the contents recorded in the Annals of the Joseon dynasty, not on previous research framework of analysis of state administration and government organizations in the early Joseon dynasty. Based on this study, we will conduct an interdisciplinary research that comprehensively analyzes blood ties and relationships among all historical figures of the Joseon dynasty.

KCI등재

6대한제국기 내장원경 이용익의 활동 - 철도건설과 차관도입을 중심으로 -

저자 : 이항준 ( Lee¸ Hang-jun )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 75권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 147-168 (22 pages)

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The Korean Empire tried to introduce loans from Japan, the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Russia for currency reform and railroad construction, but failed to realize it. At that time, important issues in the loan negotiations between the Korean Empire and the powers were the interest rate of the loan, the provision of collateral such as mines and ginseng, and the political influence of foreign powers. During the Korean Empire, King Gojong pointed to Lee Yong-ik as a key figure in the financial field of the Korean Empire.
During the Korean Empire, Lee Yong-ik directed the financial affairs of the Ministry of Finance and mines nationwide, and also led loan negotiations with the powers.
Lee Yong-ik attempted to negotiate a loan with Japan, taking into account the relatively favorable interest rates, collateral and political influence with the European and American powers. At that time, the Japanese representative to Korea actively provided loans to strengthen its political influence in the Korean Empire. However, the Japanese government was in a passive position to provide loans to the Korean Empire due to financial difficulties and diplomatic friction with Russia. In reality, it is difficult to provide loans, and Japan supported the provision of loans from Britain, which maintains friendly diplomatic relations with its own country.
As loan negotiations with Japan were sluggish, Lee Yong-ik attempted to introduce loans from the United Kingdom and the United States. However, the UK and the US demanded harsh interest rates and collateral for utter economic interests. In this situation, Lee Yong-ik also promoted the introduction of Russian and French loans to promote urgent currency reform.
In the conclusion, Lee Yong-ik proceeded with loan negotiations with the great powers to carry out currency reform and railroad construction in the Korean Empire, but failed due to Japan's persistent interference. Nevertheless, Lee Yong-ik tried to achieve favorable conditions for the Korean Empire in the process of negotiating loans with Japan, the United States, Russia, and France. This fact shows that in a situation of external pressure from the powers, Lee Yong-ik chose a thorough realist path to realize the interests of Gojong and the Korean Empire.

KCI등재

73·1운동 직후 한인의 상해 망명에 대한 프랑스 조계당국의 인식과 대응

저자 : 이혜린 ( Lee¸ Hye-rin )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 75권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 169-194 (26 pages)

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This article analyzes how the French Concession authorities perceived Koreans who came to Shanghai after the March 1st Movement. French concession authorities did not consider Koreans to be immigrants. It recognized the Koreans as political asylum who had escaped Japanese Rule and Suppression. Therefore, the Korean policy of French Concession authorities was applied to based on the principle of non-extradition of political offenders, the anti-Japanese public opinion of the Shanghai Chinese society at that time, and diplomatic judgment.
It was also to establish a reciprocal principle between France and Japan for the extradition of political offenses. France demanded that Japan take the same action against Vietnamese revolutionists in Tokyo when Koreans political offenders hand over to Japan authorities. It also restricted the activities of Koreans living in the French concession in Shanghai. A radical independence movement was prohibited, but, the diplomatic independence movement, which appeals to the public opinion of the World Powers for independence, positively conceived as “peaceful activity.”

KCI등재

8전시 산업재해 실태와 재해보호 규정의 식민지성

저자 : 이병례 ( Lee¸ Byung-rye )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 75권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 195-227 (33 pages)

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This article dealt with the historical nature of industrial accidents during the colonial period. In particular, it reviewed the actual conditions of industrial accidents and the countermeasures of colonial power during the Asian-Pacific War.
Wartime industrial accidents were certainly not regarded as personal problems. The colonial power emphasized that in order to give preference to “industrial warriors,” it is necessary to treat and protect industrial accidents by enacting industrial accident protection regulations. However, even in such discourse, workers who are devoted to the “state” are not protected by the general workers.
Protection against industrial accidents was not the object of general rights or social protection of workers, but a privilege enjoyed by certain classes. Hence, the “national responsibility” for industrial accidents was to cease to speak of war propaganda.
Due to the necessity of mobilizing war, the “body” of Korean workers emerged as an opportunity to expand the social nature of industrial accidents. However, not only did not the protection regulations covering all workers have been established, but also discrimination and exclusion based on colonialism were the basis, so it can be seen that the sociality of industrial accidents was rather regressed.

KCI등재

9이기붕 체제 자유당의 형성과 변화

저자 : 김진흠 ( Kim¸ Jin-heum )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 75권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 229-259 (31 pages)

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The Liberty Party secured enough parliamentary seats to reach a constitutional amendment through the 1954 general elections to solidify its position as a parliamentary party. The establishment of a Central Committee through the revision of the party's constitution and the strengthening of the parliamentary committee and the general meeting of assembly members reflected the change in the party`s character. This could serve as the basis for implementing party politics, which was an important immediate policy of the Liberal Party.
Immediately after the 1954 general election, the Liberal Party appeared to be changing into a policy party. The Central Policy Committee was established and the organization was entrusted with the implementation of the Liberal Party's immediate policy. Subsequently, seven immediate policies were adopted to materialize the party's policies. The seven immediate policies were partly able to show results in conflict with the government. This change was different from that of the Liberal Party.
The Liberal Party's 'misgovernment' deserves criticism, but the Liberal Party's attempts at party politics are nevertheless noteworthy. Shortly after the 1954 general election, the Liberal Party formed the form of the first ruling party as a political party. In particular, the attempt at party politics was important even considering the relationship between the Liberty Party and Syng-man Rhee. The Liberty Korea Party's attempt at party politics implied the possibility of serving as an alternative to the one-man dictatorship. It could also be a solution to the strong presidential system, which is pointed out as a continuing problem in the party politics of Korea, and the resulting political party alienation. In this regard, the change from the Liberty Party's extraparliamentary party to the parliamentary party and the change from the mobilizing party to the policy party can also be found to be of historic significance.

KCI등재

10독립유공자 포상과 역사인식 - 1958년과 1962년 독립유공자 포상 명단 분석 -

저자 : 김영진 ( Kim¸ Youngjin )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 75권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 261-309 (49 pages)

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This article aims to explain the relation between the political context and the country's official perception of history at the time inherent in the conferment of state decorations on independence movement activists in 1962, from the point of view that the conferment is a social construct that reveals the country's perception of history. For the explaining, this article provides a comparative analysis between the lesser-known conferment plan of state decorations on independence movement activists in 1958 and the conferment in 1962. The conferment plan in 1958, promoted by the Syngman Rhee administration, did not lead to an official conferment even after selecting the recommended recipients, but used as the basic data for the conferment in 1962. This article attempts to clarify the historical context of the conferment in 1962 by examining the continuity and discontinuity between the conferment plan in 1958 and the conferment in 1962. This article also tries to show the country's official perception of history that intervened in the recommended list of the conferment in 1958 and 1962 by analyzing the internal hierarchy of the independence movement, which is represented by the grades of the decoration. The last purpose of this article is to clarify how the selection of independence patriots and the political intentions of the military regime are interconnected through the case of Kim Ch'angsuk, the most symbolic person in the conferment in 1962.

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(2006)홍길동 외 1명심리학41회 피인용

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2미국의 비트코인 규제

(2006)홍길동심리학41회 피인용

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2미국의 비트코인 규제

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