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KCI등재

13.1운동 사례를 통해 본 역사 교과서의 시각과 구성에서의 변화 가능성 모색

저자 : 김정인 ( Kim Jeongin )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 78권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 1-38 (38 pages)

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This article proposes to try new compositions as well as alternative viewpoints in history education. Such proposition is based on the author's own personal experiences in engaging not only historical studies but various educational activities. And in making this very point, the issue of how the March 1st Movement has been depicted and described in History textbooks seems to be particularly useful.
The history of certain events have always been depicted in History textbooks through description of certain elements: background, how it unfolded, and what kind of influence or legacy it left. This is a chronological approach to the event in question, based on a perspective or framework considering causes and result to be very important. The March 1st Movement is a definitive example of such approach, and as it bear the honor of being a monumental cornerstone in the Korean people's national efforts for liberation in the 20th century's early half, the event itself was most of the time written with a Nationalistic tone.
The Movement's distinctive image and nature of the narrative in the textbooks' description of the event has remained relatively the same since the government's First Education plan. Unfortunately, due to repeated description of the March 1st Movement in this fashion, it is becoming increasingly difficult to break free from such mold, and as a result a rather fixed version of the Movement has been established, while recent academic accomplishments on the event have been constantly ignored. Moreover, certain factual errors concerning how the Movement actually unfolded remain virtually uncorrected, while an ever-growing Nationalist viewpoint emphasizing the Movement's meaning in world history refuses to embrace new facts and interpretations produced by the community of historians. As a result, discrepancies between the image of the March 1st Movement in History textbooks, and details of the movement uncovered by historical researches, just continue to build.
We should endeavor to escape such Nationalistic point of view, as well as the aforementioned 'causal' framework, and indulge ourselves in democratic viewpoints accompanied by thematic approaches, as such effort will lead us to analyze and interpret the March 1st Movement from fresh new angles. In that case, a number of new ways to teach this historical event to the students, based on new factual details and proper interpretations, will surface in the future.

KCI등재

2대만의 고등학교 역사 교육 분석과 그 전망 ― 고등학교 역사 수업 요강(課綱)과 교과서를 중심으로 ―

저자 : 林政佑 ( Lin Cheng-yu )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 78권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 39-79 (41 pages)

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In this article, I discuss the significant changes that history curriculum has undergone at the high school level in Taiwan. First, I examine this branch of curriculum as it existed in pre-democratic Taiwan (between about 1945 and 1995). During those decades, the authoritarian Taiwanese state, ruled with an iron fist by the Kuomintang, established curriculum guidelines that churned out propagandistic textbooks railing against communism and glorifying the Chinese nation. After 1995, some historians in Taiwan argued that the country's history education should focus more on Taiwan. These arguments set in motion a reformist agenda among educators, but after 2008, with the Kuomintang back in power, the reform stagnated. Chinese nationalists embraced the “Black Box Curriculum,” which sought to root history education in the distant past of Chinese history. Opponents of the Black Box Curriculum movement reflected a growing view that history textbooks should emphasize the due process and the new research results of history. Today, Taiwan's guidelines for history curriculum focus not on “great statesmen” but on bottom-up history, minority experiences, social movements, progressive ideals, and the methods and subjectivity of practicing history. These new guidelines reflect, in particular, the views of the Taiwanese scholar Wu Rui-ren, which I explore in some detail.

KCI등재

3역사가와 이데올로기: E. H. 카와 자유주의

저자 : 조준배 ( Jo Junbae )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 78권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 81-112 (32 pages)

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For E. H. Carr as a twentieth-century historian, liberalism was his developmental background as well as an ideological obstacle to overcome. Through the First World War, Carr came to realize the bankruptcy of western civilization and began to criticize liberalism, a then dominant ideology, with the extensive reading and writing on the nineteenth-century Russian intelligentsia and Marx. Along with the Paris conference and resulting Versailles Peace Treaty in 1919 for a postwar international order, Carr denounced the contradictions and weaknesses of Liberalism from international affairs through politics and economics to philosophy, and established himself as a trenchant dissident in western society. After the Second World War, however, Carr went beyond criticism to offer various alternatives of mass democracy, planning, welfare and collectivism, which provided a new perspective for the contemporary western civilization despite their utopian aspects.

KCI등재

4인조대 후반 창덕궁(昌德宮) 중건과 후계구도 변경 ― 世孫(顯宗) 책봉과 법궁(法宮)의 위상 정립 ―

저자 : 윤정 ( Yoon Jeong )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 78권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 113-147 (35 pages)

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This article deals with the process of constructing Changdeok-gung Palace replacing Gyeongbok-gung Palace destroyed by Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and establishing the status as the main palace, having ties with political pending issue of changing structure of succession in the late reign of King Injo. Changdeok-gung Palace was destroyed during the process of King Injo's restoration(仁祖反正). But it was rebuilt by demolishing Ingyeong-gung Palace in the 25th year of King Injo's reign. The rebuilt buildings adopted a slogan of succeeding to ancient statute(古制). However practically, it was not the form of early period of Joseon dynasty. It was based on the form of Changdeok-gung Palace rebuilt in the middle reign of King Gwanghaegun. Ingyeong-gung Palace was the key point of King Gwanghaegun's maladministration. In the period of rebuilding Changgyeong-gung Palace, it was totally abandonded after the rebuilding of Changdeok-gung Palace. In spite of building new palace, the reason why rebuilding of Changdeok-gung palace was executed is for confirming the change in the structure of succession after the death of Crown Prince Sohyeon. The change in the structure of succession progressing after the sudden death of Crown Prince Sohyeon went through a course of putting crown princess to death, excluding the grandson-heir apparent(王世孫) from funeral rites, and finally eliminating him by the time funeral rites finished. It was enough for reminding people of King Gwanghaegun's immoral political management which was blamed as killing of his own half-brother(廢母殺弟). King injo demolished Ingyeong-gung Palace(仁慶宮) in a wholesale way, which was symbol of King Gwanghaegun's palace construction project and place where Hon'gung(魂宮) of Crown prince Sohyeon existed. On the other hand, he constructed Changdeok-gung Palace and proclaimed the grandson-heir apparent to the throne at Injeongjeon which was the main building of the main palace. It embodied previous instance that King Sejong(世宗) proclaimed the grandson-heir apparent(King Danjong, 端宗) to the throne at Geunjeongjeon hall in Gyeongbok-gung Palace. Changdeok-gung Palace which was constructed during the reign of King Injo became the main palace which guaranteed legitimacy of King Hyeojong's enthronement as direct line of King Hyeonjong and King Hyojong ascended to the throne after King Injo's reign. And it was maintained until the reconstruction of Gyeongbok-gung Palace in the reign of King Gojong(高宗).

KCI등재

5조선 후기 중앙 군영대장 인사의 특성

저자 : 방범석 ( Bang Beomseok )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 78권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 149-186 (38 pages)

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This paper examines the appointment of capital military commanders during the late period of Chosŏn. On average, their term in office became shorter in the later period, though long service was usually preferred. In the nineteenth century, royal relatives by marriage from literati clans took charge of the sole standing army in the capital. Such changes were closely related to the possibility of war between Chosŏn and the Qing Empire. Chosŏn totally accepted Pax Manjurica in the late eighteenth century. It enabled Chosŏn to reduce the standing army, and to alter military institutions into secondary fiscal institutions. The ruling class valued political reliability more than military expertise, for safety of the court as well as traditional superiority of literati over warriors. The appointment of the commanders reflected furthering distance of Chosŏn from war.

KCI등재

6한말 여성잡지 『여자지남(女子指南)』의 여성교육론과 여성 '국민' 형성

저자 : 김소영 ( Kim Soyoung )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 78권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 187-222 (36 pages)

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In the early 20th century, Korean intellectuals and educators tried to acquire the justification for women's education by raising the theory of gender equality and home education.
Along with the theory of gender equality and home education, what they tried to support the justification of women's education and set the ultimate educational goal was the formation of a 'people', civilization, and the establishment of a modern nation.
The logic of forming a 'national' through women's education was roughly divided into two categories. First, it was that women themselves should become part of the 'people' on an equal footing with men and fulfill their duties and responsibilities of establishing a modern state, and for this purpose, men and women should receive equal education.
The second was that home education was important to make children, especially sons, future 'nationals', and that it was important to educate women as mothers who would be in charge of home education.
In Yeojajinam, the formation of feminine national based on the theory of gender equality and the 'national formation theory' through home education were raised together to persuade the justification of women's education.
Formation of the 'national' insisted on by the theory of home education emphasized the role, duty and responsibility of women to form a 'national' through 'motherhood' rather than women's independence and acquisition of rights and freedoms. On the other hand, the theory of feminine national that men and women should receive equal education and fulfill their duties and responsibilities as equal 'citizens' had the potential to develop into a modern women's liberation movement and feminist movement by emphasizing women's independence, rights and freedom.
However, there was no discussion about the social and political rights or freedoms that women can enjoy as 'citizens' even in the claim that men and women are equal 'citizens'.
Some female intellectuals and educators made it the goal of women's education to free themselves from men's oppression and restraint, to develop self-reliance, to acquire freedom and rights, and to become 'citizens' on an equal footing with men.
However, in the crisis of loss of national sovereignty, women as 'nationals' were only required to have the duty and responsibility to achieve national civilization and prosperity and establish a modern state.

KCI등재

7일제강점기 총기 규제 정책 연구

저자 : 이용석 ( Lee Young-seok )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 78권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 223-274 (52 pages)

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This thesis is a review of gun control policies before and after the annexation. of Korea by Japan. Securing firearms and ammunition was essential in the armed struggle of Righteous Armies. Therefore, during this period, Righteous Armies used various methods to obtain and supply firearms and ammunition. There were several methods of securing firearms, such as requisition from the people, seizing weapons from the army or police station, smuggling from foreigners, manufacturing or modifying firearms, and so on. The weapons of them came as a great threat to the Japan trying to annex Korea.
To prevent this, Japan enacted the Guns and Gunpowder Control Act and introduced strong firearms regulations in Korea. After this, an ordnance committee was established nationwide, and firearms of the korean government and civilians were confiscated. Through this process, private ownership of firearms in Korea became almost impossible.
The strict gun control in korea continued even after the annexation. In 1912, the Governor-General enacted a new Guns and Gunpowder Control Act. In addition to the existing strict gun control laws, this law contained stricter regulations than previous laws, such as a strict ban on the manufacture of military firearms and gunpowder in Korea.
In addition, in order to restrict the possession of firearms by Koreans, gun regulations were newly introduced only for Koreans. A typical example is the so-called 'Internal Discipline Article 18'. The regulation contains a number of strong restrictions on gun licenses for Koreans. The first clause stipulated the types of Koreans who could obtain gun licenses, and the third clause limited the number of gun licenses. The fourth clause restricted the types of firearms that Koreans could possess. These regulations made it impossible for Koreans to own firearms except for a small number of professional hunters and verified pro-Japanese groups. In addition, even after obtaining permission for firearms, the Japanese placed them in a surveillance network and monitored them periodically. This consistent and strong gun control is a tangible example that clearly shows Japan's intention to suppress the struggle for independence in Korea by blocking the possession of guns by Koreans.

KCI등재

8'101인 사건' 예심과 「치안유지법」

저자 : 김국화 ( Kim Kuk-hwa )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 78권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 275-301 (27 pages)

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the preliminary trial of the 'Korean Communist Party incident' and the application of the Public Peace Maintenance Law.
The purpose of this paper lies in the nature of the Korean Communist Party incident to analyze the behavior of the other three subjects.
The Korean Communist Party incident refers to the trial of the first arrest of the Korean Communist Party in November 1925 and the second arrest of the Korean Communist Party, which began during the preventive custody of June 10th National Movement in 1926. The Korea Communist Party incident was a 'Ideology Incident'. The purpose of this study is to examine the Japanese oppression of political offender who deny the Japanese system and the defendant's response.
The Japanese Colonial rule that the two arrests of the Korean Communiust Party and Korean Communist Youth Association were similar, decided to merge for the preliminary. In the trial, there were 105 defendants, and 104 defendants who ended the trial. During this process, defendant Park Soon-byeong was killed by torture.

KCI등재

91920년대 중반 코민테른과 민족통일전선 ― 1926년 3월 결정서에서 1927년 4월 결정서까지 ―

저자 : 김영진 ( Kim Youngjin )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 78권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 303-331 (29 pages)

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This article traces the interaction between the Comintern and the Korean communists during the Japanese colonial rule focusing on the series of communication regarding the Jeonguhoe Manifesto. The leadership of the Comintern which proclaimed by the decision titled “the Resolution on the Korean Question,” had an absolute impact on the Korean communists. The course of actions taken by the Korean communists was circumscribed by the Comintern's supreme control. The Korean communists, on the other hand, had some leeway for autonomy because the Comintern's order did not prescribe a blow-by-blow strategy for the struggle. This process of communication between the Comintern and the Korean communists can be summarized as “announced by the Comintern -> interpreted by the colonial Korean communists -> approved by the Comintern.” This article argues that the Korean communists' interpretation of the March 1926 “Resolution on the Korean Question” crystalized into the Jeonguhoe Manifesto. Furthermore, the April 1927 “Resolution on the Korean Question” demonstrated the Comintern's approval on and addendums to the Jeonguhoe Manifesto. From this perspective, the Jeonguhoe Manifesto, which has been understood as an eccentric discussion raised by Ahn Gwangchon and his group, should be regarded as a part of the aforementioned communication process.

KCI등재

10탈냉전 초기 남북관계 인식의 분화와 갈등 ― 정부내 강온파 대립과 민간통일운동세력의 이원화 현상을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 김지형 ( Kim Ji-hyung )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 78권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 333-359 (27 pages)

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The relationship between North-South Korea and the nature and characteristics of the unification movement during the Roh Tae-woo administration were analyzed from the perspective of coexistence and competition between the government and the civil sector. In the face of the post-Cold War era, the Roh administration implemented an active approach to North Korea by announcing the Northern Policy and the July 7th Declaration. A new milestone in inter-Korean relations was prepared by adopting the Inter-Korean Basic Agreement amid various inter-Korean dialogues, including inter-Korean high-level talks. In the Inter-Korean Basic Agreement, the peculiarities of inter-Korean relations were confirmed, and both South and North Korea joined the United Nations at the same time. However, the internal and external factors of the severance of inter-Korean relations were clearly revealed as the North Korea-US conflict due to the nuclear issue and the intentional attempt to break inter-Korean relations by the hardliners within the government were confirmed. In particular, the artificial hardening of inter-Korean relations by the hardliners toward North Korea is noteworthy in that it reflects the close connection with the presidential election strategy of conservative political forces.
At the same time, civil discussions and movements for unification exploded, and inter-Korean exchange movements from all walks of life were attempted. A series of visits to North Korea, including the inter-Korean student talks movement and the claim to hold the inter-Korean joint Olympics, formed a major social issue. In addition, as interest in North Korea increased, a phenomenon called the “Know North Korea Movement” appeared. The argument of the conservative power, which maintained an authoritarian dictatorship under the pretext of anti-communism during the Cold War, began to be questioned, and intellectual curiosity increased about North Korea. The civilian unification movement was divided into more North Korean-friendly and critical organizations. The emergence of the Beomminlyeon, which emphasized the trilateral cooperation of South, North, and overseas compatriots, and the Saetongche, which emphasized the value of various domestic unification movements, was a confrontational structure reflecting the difference in perceptions of North Korea within the unification movement. The debate on unification of two types of civilian unification movements started to compete from within, forming a multi-layered structure. The government continued to maintain a tense relationship with the civil unification movement and tried to control the civil unification movement under the principle of the 'unification of windows'. Therefore, it is understood that the post-Cold War era government and the civil sector have entered a new era in which they are conscious of each other, influence and compete with each other.

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