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The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches

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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(1996)~139권0호(2022) |수록논문 수 : 1,587
중국사연구
139권0호(2022년 08월) 수록논문
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KCI등재

저자 : 鄭炳俊

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 139권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 1-35 (35 pages)

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根据韩愈的《平淮西碑》, 在对淮西的讨伐中立功最大的将领有六位, 即:兼任宣武节度使和都统的韩弘、随邓节度使李愬、忠武节度使李光颜、河阳节度使乌重胤、寿州团练使李文通、鄂岳观察使李道古。然而, 对于其中的李文通和李道古, 从文献记录中并不能看出其立了大功。就像这样, 碑文的史料内容是以韩愈个人见解的形式展现的。
《平淮西碑》有三个特征:第一, 所有的功绩都归功于皇帝;第二, 在对淮西的讨伐中立功最大的是裴度;第三, 韩愈强烈地表达了自己的见解, 最有趣的是他甚至还在期待其他的割据藩镇改革。
笔者认为, 宪宗之所以废弃韩愈的《平淮西碑》, 是为了在对比淮西更强大的平卢等地的讨伐战能够展开的状况下整合国家的力量。即, 如《新唐书》卷214《吴元济传》中所见, “帝亦重牾武臣心, 詔斵其文, 更命翰林學士段文昌爲之”。

KCI등재

저자 : 朴喜眞

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 139권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 37-61 (25 pages)

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南宋建國後, 宋仁失去了華北地區, 因此只能在南方各地區栽培主要在華北生產的各種旱田作物. 特別是麥類不僅在軍事準備方面, 而且在飲食方面也很重要, 第一, 到了宋代, 老百姓才容易接觸到麵食, 第二, 兩宋交替期以後, 華北居民飲食文化對南方產生了影響, 麥作在南宋代南方擴大. 兩浙路的麥作自南宋建國後正式施行. 據最近的研究結果顯示, 宋代整體處於溫暖期, 南宋初、中期突然進入寒冷期. 但是這種情況符合麥類的生長特性, 而且施肥等先進的農業技術爲麥作擴大提供了後盾.
宋代, 豆類也是重要的穀類食品之一. 豆類從很久以前開始就被用作食材及救荒作物, 特別是到了宋代, 豆類開始被用作油料. 在南宋兩浙路, 栽培了麥類和稻子通過復種制, 隨着豆作的擴大, 還實行了豆麥方復種式. 另外, 即使是同一作物, 根據時間和地區使用的農具也會有所不同. 即, 南宋代的農民們即使氣候改變、發生災害, 也通過多種技術和方式努力確保農業生產.

KCI등재

저자 : 裵淑姬 ( Bae Sook Hee )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 139권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 63-104 (42 pages)

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Historical journal resources like Namsaillok that provides information on time and space. Based on useful information in the historical resoarces, like the exact location of the eighty Jeju ports or the places said to be related to Jeju horses, it was possible to mark the locations of the eastern and western Aimaq. Tamla ranch was one of the 14 national-run ranches in the Yuan Dynasty. The Yuan government sent an administrator to manage the ranch and there was no significant difference in operation when compared with ranches in the Yuan Dynasty. The Hachi, who came to Tamla to raise horses during the Yuan Dynasty, entered the family register of Jeju when the Ming Dynasty was involved in the horse administration, and it is guessed that they were classified as a surname of the Yuan dynasty. The locations of ports and horses transportation were very closely related. For example, the locations for breeding Jeju horses in the Western Aimaq areas, Chagwijin could have been at Seorimpo or nearby ports. Since the ranges for breeding Jeju horses were extended, Susan field, where the Eastern Aimaq areas were located, is related to the port of Seogwipo. Myeongwolpo, which was located near the 6th place for breeding horses in the Choseon Dynasty, was an important port for transporting horses and was also related to the distribution of the Hachi. It is not quite sure that horses departing from Myeongwolpo were transported to Zhejiang Dinghai by way of Mokpo, but this route was important as a way of transporting horses.
There are two routes between Sourth Jeolla Province and Jeju: one route is leaving Naju for Haenam port using water channels by way of Muan and departing from Haenam port to Jeju; the other one departing from Kangjin, Hanam, or Youngam, which are located on the coast. Ships were sailed by using a north(or northwest) wind for trips from Jeollanam to Jeju and by using a east wind(or southeast) for reversed trips. It is thought that the route between Jeju Myeongwolpo and Dinghai in the southeast of China existed based on the information of the drifters who had left Jeju and had drifted near Choojado, and the return of the Jeju-born who had drifted in China. This southern sea route is a short distance. In the case of the port to the west of Jeju, especially Myeongwolpo was recorded as an common landing site for drifters during the Song Dynasty and the Ming and Qing period after the Yuan Dynasty. However, what was recorded as a port of China in the sources of the Yuan Dynasty is related to raising horses in Tamla, transporting horses to China, and traveling between Tamla and China. Although Jeju sometimes belonged to the Yuan Dynasty and sometimes was directly ruled by the Koryeo, we saw earlier that most of the authority over Tamla horses belonged to China.
Jeju's Sulryeok Routes started at the east gate of Jeju Fortress and returned to the west gate after making a complete trip around Jeju along the coast, when Lizheng traveled by this route, the reason to emphasize solidarity at the national level and to protect Jeju from Wokou. The ports with military forts were not concentrated in the east of Jeju, which is close to Japan, but were distributed throughout Jeju except for the northern section area. There were many military ports in the west close to the route between China and Japan. It is true that Jeju Island is on the southern border of the Korean Peninsula, but the reason that Jeju was able to go beyond the border was because there was a ranch to raise horses in Tamla managed by the Yuan Dynasty, and external ports in the late Yuan and the early Ming Dynasty were frequently used.

KCI등재

저자 : 金暻綠 ( Kim Kyeong Lok )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 139권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 105-134 (30 pages)

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War is crucial enough to determine the existence of a nation by including a large number of troops, weapons systems, and a munitions system, enormous human and material costs. The war in the Joseon Dynasty was not a level of regime change but a serious history connected with the survival of the kingdom or empire. In this regard, the traditional era tried to use diplomatic means other than war as much as possible.
In relation to the Imjin War, the Ming troops participated in the war due to the dispatch of Joseon and the sense of crisis of the Ming. However, a basic review of the Ming is needed. There is little analysis of what the Ming was like and its military environment during the war. In addition, the Ming's participation in the crisis was not only analyzed, but the status of the Ming and its perception of Joseon as an emperor country were not analyzed.
As Ming and neighboring countries in the Ming-centered international order, Joseon had obligations and rights of state relations. As an emperor, the Ming had the right to demand tribute to Joseon, as well as to save the crisis of Joseon. When the Imjin War broke out, the Ming entered the war with the real purpose of responding to the crisis with the justification of saving Joseon as the emperor. When the Ming sent troops to neighboring countries, the military recognized the various military systems as its burden to maintain its authority and status as the military of the emperor. Therefore, the Ming planned to provide various military supplies while dispatching troops. However, the commanders of the dispatched Ming troops actually handed over the duty of military procurement to Joseon, which was conscious of and accepted Ming's authority.

KCI등재

저자 : 金晙永

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 139권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 135-168 (34 pages)

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關於明清時代宗族史研究, 國內外學界主要研究江南以南地區, 並且主要考慮對象也偏重於漢人。於是本論文把滿洲人作為主要研究對象, 彌補以往研究的空白。以往女真社會是, 由被稱為嘎山的以地緣關系為基礎的鄉村組織組成的。努爾哈赤組織八旗以來, 滿洲社會把嘎山組織編制為八旗的下部組織牛錄。因此, 嘎山下血緣組織的穆昆逐漸分為直系血緣關系為單位的宗族, 同時個別建立各支派的族長並宗族組織化。明清時期宗族形成, 意味著血緣組織的組織化。通過族譜上顯示的宗族領導名稱的階層化、族產設立及運用、對鄉村社會的貢獻等宗族組織活動, 能顯示出清代滿洲人也有相當於漢人宗族。但是滿洲人的族譜編纂、祭田、祖塋、祠堂設立等宗族形成的表象, 在以往研究中把它認為滿洲人的漢化現象。從而在以往研究中沒有具體談談實際運用過程中顯示的滿洲宗族特點。其實以上宗族形成的表象, 雖然表面上跟漢人宗族一樣, 但是在實際運用过程中跟八旗制度密切相關, 从而自然形成跟漢人不同的宗族文化。

KCI등재

저자 : 兪蓮實 ( Yu Yon Sil )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 139권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 169-228 (60 pages)

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In the Yan'an(延安) period, during the natural science movement and mass production movement initiated by the Communist Party of China in 1941, agricultural and forestry biologists led by Le Tianyu(樂天宇) actively accepted the Michurin(米丘林) theory. In the development of the Nanniwan(南泥灣) and the large-scale agricultural production movement, Le Tianyu actively used the breeding method of Michurin and the vernalization treatment method of Lysenko(李森科). In addition, he also took the lead in combining the agricultural experience of the farmers in the border area(邊區) with the genetics of Michurin to popularize it to the public. Therefore, Michurin's theory has attracted much attention because of its "seeking truth from facts(實事求是)" method of combining theory with practice.
Based on this experience, Le Tianyu organized the Michurin society(米丘林學會) on February 19, 1949. The Michurin society has formed a trinity relationship with the College of agriculture, North China University(華北大學農學院) and its agricultural biological science research room(農業生物科學硏究室), combining education, experiment and research. The Michurin society has compiled the farmer's experience in the agricultural field and crop mating methods into a book and popularized them to farmers. More importantly, Michurin society focuses on agricultural field experiments and direct exchanges with farmers, taking the lead in knowledge production and popularization based on farmers' and rural experience. Through this, the Communist Party of China formulated a "practical" and "popularity" agricultural policy, which also made a certain contribution to the increase of agricultural productivity in the early period of the people's Republic of China.
However, in September 1949, with the establishment of Beijing Agricultural University(北京農業大學), the opposition between the Michurin school led by Le Tianyu and the genetics of Mendel-Morgan school led by Li Jingjun(李景均) was officially launched. As Le Tianyu reorganized the University's curriculum to focus on new genetics, and reorganize disciplines centered on "production disciplines",the discontent in the University spread. The Communist Party of China demoted Le Tianyu, the culprit of the Agricultural University incident, to the Chinese Academy of Sciences(中國科學院), and command of the Michurin society led by him was transferred to the All China Federation of Natural Sciences(中華全國自然科學專門學會聯合會).
The Communist Party of China denied the connection between Le Tianyu and Michurin's theory, and regarded the "Nongda incident(農大事件)" as a problem of Le Tianyu's personal thoughts and attitudes. In addition, the Communist Party of China held a symposium on biological science work(生物科學工作座談會) in 1952, and published the argument of "fighting for the Michurin direction of biological science(爲堅持生物科學的米丘林方向而鬥爭)", branded Le Tianyu as a "sectarian" and a "narrow empiricist".
If we reflect on the relationship between science and politics or between science and the socialist revolution, then the influence of Michurin's theory on the Chinese scientific community should be negatively evaluated. Because Le Tianyu used the Michur in theory to overthrow the Mendel-Morgan school, the Communist Party of China has ideologized science and turned science into a political maidservant. But "what way does science work and what role does it play in socialist construction?", this is an issue that transcends the political level and requires in-depth study. From this perspective, Le Tianyu's acceptance of Michurin's theory triggered a revolution, in the production structure of scientific knowledge in China, attach importance to the "experience" of rural areas and the "practical" value of production sites, in the production and popularization of scientific knowledge, it established the line of "Populism". Therefore, by examining the role and significance of Michurin's theory in the history of Chinese Science in the early 1950s, we should get rid of the way of explaining the relationship between science and politics from the perspective of the dichotomy of affirmation and negation. We should re-examine the multi-layer relationship and interaction between science and the socialist revolution.

KCI등재

저자 : 張粹芝 ( Chang Soo Ji )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 139권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 229-268 (40 pages)

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Reformers and revolutionaries in early twentieth century China advocated for a system of “communal child rearing”(儿童公育) that assigned primary responsibility for child rearing to society and community rather than individual parents. This article discusses the idea of communal child rearing, how it changed over time, and how these debates have reverberated in post-1949 policy debates.
Revolutionary anarchists in the 1900s believed communal child rearing could dismantle the hierarchical relationship between parent and child and thus would play a crucial role in their project to overthrow the existing social order and create of a more egalitarian society. In the 1920s, starting from 1919 to be exact, communal child rearing became a focal point of debate for social reform. Those who advocated for the program were radicals who also supported women's liberation and criticized private property and family as an embodiment of traditional values. Newspaper articles published around and after this time show how their contemporaries understood communal child rearing as a necessary condition for women's economic independence. However, the debates in the 1910s and 20s differed from those in the 1900s in terms of their utilization of scientific knowledge. Whereas radicals in the 1900s advanced their ideas based on revolutionary idealism, the 1910s and 20s groups (on both sides of the debate) grounded their arguments in the social scientific discourses of early child education and psychology.
In the 1930s, nationalists gained more ground and argued for communal child rearing for the sake of the nation. While nationalists' views on child rearing drastically differed from the anarchists and other radicals of earlier periods, they continued to support the feminist claim that communal child rearing was crucial for women's economic activities and social participation. The wartime conditions in China from the mid-1930s also contributed to the increase of public child rearing facilities for war orphans. Public child care in wartime China owed much to the desperate material conditions of women and children. These policies prioritizing the needs of working women and children continued after 1949 and served as the basis of institutionalized child care facilities in the early years of the People's Republic of China.

KCI등재

저자 : 洪承賢

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 139권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 269-291 (23 pages)

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