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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(1994)~109권0호(2022) |수록논문 수 : 1,400
군사논단
109권0호(2022년 03월) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
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1우크라이나 사태와 위기의 한반도

저자 : 허태근

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 109권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 4-12 (9 pages)

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2러시아의 우크라이나 침공: 위협인식과 의도

저자 : 김규철 ( Kim Kyu Cuhl )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 109권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 15-38 (24 pages)

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Ukraine is a strategically important point between Russia and the West, and Russia and the United States have been fighting each other for control of Ukraine. Ukraine's crisis began to intensify in 2021, eventually leading to an all-out Russian invasion of Ukraine.
This thesis is to analyze why Russia invaded Ukraine and what Russia's thoughts and logic are. To this end, I try to understand Russia's threat perception and intentions by elucidating the apparent cause(the Donbass conflict) and the cause of the cause(the NATO expansion). The results of the study revealed that the root cause of Russia's invasion of Ukraine was to revive Russia's national strategy as a great Eurasian power and to secure a buffer zone as a security strategy. Ultimately, the essence of the Ukraine crisis can be seen as a defense based on Russia's active defense strategy against the US offensive.
Russia has succeeded in military reform and military modernization, which has been steadily implemented since 2008, and is ready to use its military force immediately in case of emergency. Thus, Russia is now claiming its interests as a world power with its military power in the background.

3러시아의 우크라이나 침공 교훈이 한반도안보에 주는 전략적 함의

저자 : 김덕기 ( Kim Duk-ki )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 109권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 39-69 (31 pages)

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The purpose of this study is to examine the lessons learned from Russia's invasion of Ukraine and suggest strategic implications for the security of the Korean Peninsula after analyzing why Russia invaded Ukraine. In particular, the Ukraine situation is a good example of how much the strategic failure of a weak country sandwiched between the great powers will cost. The lessons learned from the Ukraine crisis for security on the Korean Peninsula are as follows.
First, the Ukraine crisis can have an important learning effect for China, which is in strategic competition with the United States in the Indo-Pacific. Therefore, depending on how the US and Europe respond to the crisis, China's counter-strategy to the US on Taiwan and North Korea issues will be influenced. Second, the Ukraine crisis is an example that shows the price and opportunity cost to be paid if the diplomacy between small and medium powers goes wrong. In particular, Ukraine relies on Russia for its economy and the US and Western Europe for its security, choosing one side is paying the price for not securing the means and methods to escape from the tightrope of threats and pressures expected. Third, the Ukraine crisis reminds us of the importance of national defense capabilities to protect the country from external threats. After signing the Budapest Protocol in 1994 at the request of the Permanent Members of the UN Security Council, including the United States and Russia, Ukraine returned all its nuclear weapons to Russia by 1996, losing its deterrent ability to respond to external military threats.
In conclusion, Ukraine has recently become the arena of the great powers' game of the 21st century. We must do our best so that the Korean Peninsula does not become a field of hegemonic competition like in the 19th century. In particular, based on a strong ROK-US alliance, we will not only solve the North Korean nuclear issue but also minimize conflicts with neighboring countries and maximize national interests.

4우크라이나 사태 관련 일본의 대응과 시사점 - 국가안보전략과 국방혁신의 관점을 중심으로 -

저자 : 권태환 ( Kwon Tae Hwan )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 109권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 70-89 (20 pages)

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The invasion of Ukraine has had a serious impact on the international community. Amid intensifying strategic competition between the U.S. and China, the U.S. plan to "Indo-Pacific Strategy" has failed to curb the war, giving important implications and lessons to Japan's security issues at a time when China's invasion of Taiwan is feared. This paper seeks to derive Japan's response and implications for the Ukraine crisis.
First, the most important lesson of the Ukraine crisis is that it has come to re-recognize the importance of the Korea-U.S. alliance. Military support for Ukraine, which did not have an alliance, was canceled due to Russia's “nuclear use card” and “exercise of veto power by permanent members of the UN Security Council,” resulting in Russia's invasion.
Second, early establishment of a new national security strategy in line with the international security situation. The U.S. and Japan ace strengthening their strategic comprehensive alliance by sharing roles at the global level. Japan's revised national security strategy is not only checking China, but also expanding its role in global security issues in the wake of the Ukraine crisis. The Korean government, which is starting anew, should also actively promote the early establishment of national security strategies.
Third, it is a practical plan research effort for 'Defense Innovation 4.0'. South Korea maintains the world's sixth-largest military force and 55 trillion won in military spending through defense reform that has been promoted since 2006. Considering the future battlefield and the threat of North Korea's advancement of nuclear weapons and missiles, a practical defense innovation plan should be prepared that reflects the lessons of the Ukraine crisis.
Fourth, the role of the media and the spread of public consensus.
Analyzing Russia's 'hybrid strategy' makes us realize how important the role of the media is in the battlefield. In particular, efforts to properly recognise the correlation between the media and the military and secure the necessary human resources training and management skills are important in order to secure the cause of war and secure public support.
Fifth, security cooperation between South Korea, Japan and the United States should be normalized as soon as possible to deal with North Korea's nuclear and missile threats, including dealing with the Ukraine crisis.
Freedom is not free.
True peace is maintained when it can be supported by force. It should never be forgotten that peace is not created, but created.

5국제보훈정책의 현주소와 미래 발전방안

저자 : 장삼열 ( Sam Yeol Jang )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 109권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 90-116 (27 pages)

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Veteran's policy is a national act that occurs in the interrelationship between the state and the individual people. The promotion and appreciation of the United Nations veterans in Korean War are in return for their dedication and sacrifice in saving Korea from the crisis of the Korean War in the past.
I checked the reality of the international veterans' policy promoted by the Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs and analyzed using SWOT techniques.
Strength are the brand value of ROK and proactive veterans policy. Revitalizing veterans diplomacy and building a security soft power are opportunities. On the other hand, the super-aged veterans and COVID-19 are threats.
Therefore, it is necessary to develop international veterans' policies more actively in line with the era of super-aging veterans. I suggested future-oriented development of international veterans' policies suitable for the COVID-19 era, shift forward veterans' paradigm and develop customized programs for each country.

6병영문화혁신으로 변화된 군 생활 적응이 군내폭력에 미치는 영향

저자 : 강봉철 ( Kang Bong-cheol ) , 강동운 ( Kang Dong-woon )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 109권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 117-148 (32 pages)

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This research is to prove empirically the impact of military culture innovation carried out since 2015 on the lives of soldiers and bullies inside the military. The quantitative research was conducted with 670 marines in service in front and rear area such as Gimpo · Ganghwa, Pohang, and Baran.
The result shows that military culture innovation has positive effects on the lives of soldiers and eradication of military bullies, which means military culture innovation has been meaningful for better adaption of soldiers in the military and their improved lives have influenced the eradication of bullies significantly. Therefore, the importance of military culture innovation has been proven for better adaptation and violence eradication, This result is well supported by the fact that there is a difference before and after the innovation on the adaptation in the military and elimination of bullies. Based on this research, further measures should be made for continued efforts of eradication of bullies in the future and activation of military culture innovation such as related training session and modification of the military counseling system.
It is expected that this research contributes to future research and policy making relevant to military violence and military culture innovation.

7민주화 이후 한국 역대 대통령의 안보관 비교분석

저자 : 김정기 ( Kim Jeong Ki )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 109권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 149-170 (22 pages)

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This study has been focused on comparative analysis for ROK Presidents' perception of national security after the period of democratization with a simple tool. The tool is composed of perception of North Korea as the threat on South Korea and perception of United States as the alliance with South Korea. The former could be divided with the cooperative type and the competitive type. The letter also can be categorized into self power-reliant or alliance-dependent
To analyze ROK 13th~19th Presidents, perception of national security, the 4 types were useful baskets to classify those thoughts and actions for security policies. This paper studied the Presidents' perception respectively as detailed as possible. So, tried to contemplate how each Presidents perception influenced on decision-making of security issues and what the result was. At the same time, achieved to extract implications for incoming 20th ROK President. Which was the goal and approach to search.
The result of this research show that three Presidents (13th, Taewoo Noh, 16th, Moohyun Roh and 19th, Jaein Moon) had cooperative and self power- reliant perception, two Presidents (17th, Myungbak Lee and 18th, Geunhye Park) had the competitive and alliance-dependent Especially, 14th, Yeongsam Kim had competitive and self power-reliant perception, and 15th, Daejung Kim had the cooperative and alliance-dependent. By the way. North Korea's actions of provocations increased while in office of the Presidents had competitive perception. On the contrary to this, the cooperative made dialogues. And OPCON redemption(or transition) policy was accelerated on the period of the self power-reliant perception and returned in the alliance-dependent.

8미중시대 한국전쟁 종전선언의 논의와 과제

저자 : 김강녕

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 109권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 171-208 (38 pages)

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This paper is intended to analyze the discussions and tasks of the	declaration of the end of the Korean War during the U.S.-China era. The importance of Korea's diplomacy and security is growing due to the hegemony competition between the U.S. and China, a major signing country of the Korean War(June 25 War) Armistice Agreement It is no exaggeration to say that it is the declaration of the end of the Korean War on the Korean Peninsula that the Moon Jae In government has focused on promoting the peace process on the Korean Peninsula. Discussions on the effectiveness of the declaration of war can be said to be a touchstone for North Korea's denuclearization. The discussion of the declaration of the end of the Korean War is largely divided into pros and cons (opportunity theory and crisis theory). In addition, the positions of related countries on the declaration of the end of the war are different The U.S. emphasizes North Korea's unconditional dialogue and North Korea's complete denuclearization, while China is prioritizing North Korea's withdrawal of U.S. troops over denuclearization. There are also differences in sequence, timing, and condition between Korea and the United States. Therefore, the priority task of the declaration of war in the future should be developed on the basis of respect and implementation of the Singapore Joint Statement, the Panmunjom Declaration and the September 19 Military Agreement. From a military point of view, the declaration of the end of the war requires a cautious strategy. In other words, ① preparation for North Korea's worst situation, ② preparation for international legal interests, ③ North Korea's denuclearization (or neutralization of nuclear power) strategy should be promoted. It can be said that a prudent strategy in the short, medium, and long term and a thorough independent and cooperative military readiness are required.

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