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이화여자대학교 통일학연구원> Journal of Peace and Unification

Journal of Peace and Unification update

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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권1호(2011)~12권3호(2022) |수록논문 수 : 138
Journal of Peace and Unification
12권3호(2022년 08월) 수록논문
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The general image of South Korea's progressive government is positive for inter-Korean economic cooperation and the conservative government is negative. This study evaluates how well this image fits with reality. The results are summarized as follows. First, the conservative government was just as active in expanding inter-Korean economic cooperation as the progressive government. However, the political and security situation on the Korean Peninsula turned relatively negative to the conservative government. Second, not only the legalization of inter-Korean economic cooperation but the first economic cooperation agreement, the first economic talks, and the first assistance were made by the conservative government. Third, the year 2015 under the Park Geun-hye administration marked the highest level of inter-Korean trade. Based on the presidential term, the Lee Myung-bak administration recorded the biggest volume of inter-Korean trade. Fourth, the distortion of statistics greatly contributed to the perception that inter-Korean economic cooperation had grown in the progressive government. These findings imply that the general image differs from the actual facts. Inter-Korean economic cooperation in the conservative government was by no means smaller than in the progressive government. In the progressive government, humanitarian aid and the Kaesong Industrial Complex produced the effect of making the inter-Korean economic cooperation appear larger than it was, whereas the conservative government's suspension of inter-Korean trade and the closure of the Kaesong Industrial Complex created an illusion that the inter-Korean economic co-operation seemed smaller than it really was.

KCI등재

저자 : Bee Yun Jo

발행기관 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 간행물 : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 35-56 (22 pages)

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This article debates on the extended deterrent value of the US's new low-yield nuclear weapons that were developed since 2018 Nuclear Posture Review. Building what this study calls a capability-first approach to extended deterrence, this study argues that the new nukes may retrofit and enhance robustness of the ROK-US extended deterrence. Beginning with review on existing debate on the new nukes, I posit that the 'cons' of these new nukes may be overblown. Second, I deliberate on the three-Cs of extended deterrence and why capability-first approach is important. Third, the article delves into the technical specifications of the new nukes and illustrates how they can retrofit US's nuclear umbrella in the region. Lastly, I conclude that although these new nukes are no cure-all, the new nukes will work as new means to revamp fear among adversaries and set bounds to their military aggressions.

KCI등재

저자 : Byung-kil Jeon , Tae-rae Kim

발행기관 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 간행물 : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 57-85 (29 pages)

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Among the market economy education programs implemented in North Korea, the entrepreneurship education programs of Choson Exchange are considered the most successful. Choson Exchange's success factors are summarized in one word 'NNCR' Strategy, which consists of 'Neutral strategy,' 'Nomad strategy,' 'Customization strategy,' 'Reciprocity strategy.'
This study provides the following implications. First, the study indicates that entrepreneurship education in North Korea was in progress for more than ten years within the mutual trust between Choson Exchange and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Second, it provides researchers with primary content on entrepreneurship education in North Korea and insight into related research. Third, it helps policymakers and researchers understand the situation of entrepreneurship education in North Korea. Fourth, it gives an insight that explains multilateral cooperation in North Korea regarding the long-term development of the North Korean economy and inter-Korean economic cooperation. Finally, this study suggests that sustaining entrepreneurship education in North Korea is necessary for the mid-to-long-term, pluralistic, and mutually beneficial perspective.

KCI등재

저자 : Gianluca Spezza

발행기관 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 간행물 : Journal of Peace and Unification 12권 3호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 87-122 (36 pages)

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This study analyzes the work of UNICEF in the DPRK (North Korea) from 1995 to the late 2000s, asking how and why UNICEF pursued development objectives, particularly in the field of education, despite refusal from key donors to countenance support for developmental programs in the DPRK and their insistence that aid should be confined to the humanitarian sphere. The core argument of this article is that UNICEF - a key UN agency with a semi-autonomous capacity - developed sufficient epistemic authority to legitimize humanitarianism and development as non-mutually-exclusive goals of DPRK operations and therefore allowed itself to pursue the implementation of educational programs in North Korea, despite the reluctance of donors to provide support for development work in the country.

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