This paper presents a study on the semantics, context theory and coherence of the Arabic Language. In relation to the meaning of the Qur'ān, this paper examines the changes in the meaning of the Qur'ān, the study of translations, interpretations by scholars of 'Uṣūl al-fiqh(the general theory of Islamic law). Furthermore, with regards to the translation of the meaning of the Qur'ān, we examine the interpretation of the Arabic Qur'ān, the English as well as the Korean interpretative translations and the differences in the commentary of the Qur'ān within various sects.
As the result of this research, we demonstrate the necessity to include the main areas of Arabic rhetoric(Balāghah) in teaching the Arabic Language. In particular, Majāz (metaphor or a meaning other than the original meaning) contributes heavily to mastering the Arabic language and creating novel technical terms, and is therefore proposed to be included in the university-level Arabic language curriculum. We also demonstrate the need to teach particles(considered to be discourse markers) as part of the Arabic curriculum as well. In addition to investigating the lexical, morphological, and syntactic meanings, we also consider the pragmatic and rhetoric meanings as well as the legal meanings, and examine the meanings related to the interpretation of the Qur'ān.
After examining chapter 75 of the Korean translations of 『Qur'ān, translation of the meanings of the Qur'ān』 and 『Koran(Qur'ān)』, we found that the Korean translations lacked in coherence, lacked meaning of classical Arabic(Qur'ānic Arabic), and demonstrated loss of pragmatical elements, Arabic rhetoric, and consideration of the stylistic features of the Qur'ān.
Through this research, we were able to confirm that the current Korean translations of the Qur'ān do not accurately reflect the meanings conveyed in the Arabic Qur'ān. Therefore, we demonstrate a strong need for a new Korean translation of the Qur'ān that adheres to accuracy, expertise, academic integrity and a faithful translation of the text.

The main goal of this research is to assess the moral and political perspective of Prince Fadrique(1223-1277) in Sendebar. In this text, we find numerous topics that allude to the Castilian royal court of the time, such as the entrapped prince, the inefficiency of royal power, the importance of wise advice, the danger of conspiracy, and so on. When Fadrique returned to Castile in 1245 after a five-year stay in Frederick II's Imperial Court in Foggia, he may well have felt deep disgrace as he subsisted under the unilateral rule of his elder brother Alfonso X. Alfonso claimed possession of the duchy of Swabia in 1246 in disregard of his younger brother's dedicated efforts in Italy to further the Hohenstaufen legacy. Moreover, when Fadrique was involved in the rebellion of his brother Henry in 1255 and, as a consequence, was exiled from Castile in 1260, Alfonso confiscated his extensive property in Seville. I believe that Fadrique marshaled fury and ridicule against Alfonso in Sendebar through the combination of the misogynistic preface and the twenty-three comic and sarcastic exempla. What was the ultimate literary function of the juxtaposition of these two tones, the serious and the humorous? Fadrique very probably devised this extreme contrast of perspectives in order to experiment with a new persuasive narrative style, and to induce Castilian readers to identify with his antipathy towards Alfonso. In this sense, Sendebar is not a literal translation of Arabic fables, but Fadrique's personal adaptation, which was devised in order to reveal his intense feeling and to provide an emotional catharsis. Furthermore, the contrast between the solemn moral lessons and the witty humor of the collection is at the core of Fadrique's original narrative technique, and forms the basis of this politically insightful and evocative collection.

Rising immigration from Africa is fueling extreme social tensions in Italy. Driven by the anti-Muslim opinion, councils in Northern Italy have unlawfully implemented ordinances to prohibit the wearing of the burqa and niqab, but these have always been invalidated as it is not within the powers of a local administration. At the national level, presently, Italian legislation does not ban religious clothing in public places. Anti-Islam sentiments, however, are widely spread in Italian society. Especially after the attacks of the 9.11, in context of increasing Islamophobia. This study reviews restrictions on Muslim religious dress in Italy. The headscarf provokes an immediate identification with Islam and therefore with the numerous prejudices directed towards Muslim women. Muslims, especially Muslim women continue to be discriminated in their daily lives in Italy when they wear religious dress.
The future does not hold any easy solutions. The economic and social imbalance between the countries of the north and south Mediterranean basin leaves little doubt that the flows of immigrants from Muslim countries will continue and perhaps increase. The Italian government and it's citizen must realize that Islam has become a permanent feature of Italian society. Only by accepting this fact can Italians begin to see solutions in cooperations with, not against, their new neighbors.