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국방대학교 안보문제연구소> The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA)

The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) update

  • : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소
  • : 사회과학분야  >  정치/외교학
  • : KCI등재
  • :
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 반년간
  • : 2671-6860
  • :
  • : KNDU Review(~2005)→The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA)(2006~)

수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(1996)~27권2호(2022) |수록논문 수 : 338
The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA)
27권2호(2022년 12월) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
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This article analyzes how certain non-nuclear weapons states have become prominent contributors to the global nuclear nonproliferation regime despite their absence of such weapons. The first section of this manuscript defines the concept of middle powers and nonproliferation overachievers. The next part relates the achievements of the Republic of Kazakhstan in countering the vertical and horizontal spread of nuclear weapons, including eliminating the nuclear delivery systems Kazakhstan inherited from the Soviet Union and contributing to international efforts to prevent Iran and North Korea from achieving nuclear weapons. The third section compares the case of Kazakhstan to that of the Republic of Korea, which has also made major contributions in support of nuclear nonproliferation, especially regarding enhancing the security of nuclear materials. The next section reviews challenges facing each state's nonproliferation policies, including Russia's invasion of Ukraine and renewed great-power rivalries. The conclusion suggests possible joint nuclear nonproliferation initiatives for Kazakhstan and South Korea. It also analyzes the diverging and common drivers explaining the two countries' behavior, such as their alliance ties and nuclear histories.

KCI등재

저자 : Geunho Song

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 27권 2호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 24-50 (27 pages)

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This thesis is a study on the ROK-US-Japan space cooperation plan to solve the security crisis on the Korean Peninsula caused by the increase in China's space threat and North Korea's ICBM launches. South Korea, the U.S., and Japan's space activities cooperation began with cooperation for the development of pure space science and technology in the past and is developing into space security areas such as joint space exploration cooperation, response to space threats, and strengthening defense space capabilities. By revitalizing the space cooperation organization between South Korea, the United States, and Japan, it will be possible to cope proactively with space threats from neighboring countries. The strengthening of space cooperation between South Korea, the United States, and Japan will advance the security of the Korean Peninsula and the development of space science and technology between South Korea, the United States, and Japan.

KCI등재

저자 : Jonghwan Han

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 27권 2호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 51-80 (30 pages)

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Recent interactions between China and the United States have displayed intense competition between the two great powers and signaled intensified instability in Asian waters: A collision between a Chinese fighter and a U.S. Navy EP-3 in 2001, harassment of Chinese vessels to the survey ship USNS Impeccable in 2009, and a dangerous encounter between a U.S. naval warship, Decatur, and a Chinese naval warship, Lanzhou, near the Spratly Islands in 2018. These skirmishes in Asian maritime areas have aroused great interest from scholars and practitioners who study conflictual behaviors between the two great powers, the United States and China. This research focuses on how naval power dynamics between the United States and China influence their conflictual behaviors in Asian waters. Similar to the hegemonic stability arguments, as the challenger (China) decreases a naval power gap with the dominant state (the United States), the former becomes dissatisfied with and questions the existing order, which increases uncertainty over Asian waters. Empirical results show that as China modernizes its naval power and reduces a naval power gap with the United States, the number of conflictual behaviors over maritime claims in Asia increases.

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This article examines the nexus between economic ties and security on the Korean Peninsula by discussing three causal mechanisms. First, economic ties increase opportunity costs to constrain the two Koreas' conflict behavior. Second, inter-Korean economic ties allow either or both to send a costly signal about their resolves during a crisis. Third, economic ties transform domestic interests and preferences in favor of cooperation. Through these analytical lenses, the past operation at the Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) did not clearly show its pacifying effect on security on the Korean Peninsula due to its low opportunity costs, weak signaling, and stalled transformation of interests and preferences in both countries. Those who support the liberal peace process with hope for the KIC resumption need to articulate these mechanisms from a long-term perspective while acknowledging the marginal impact of pacifying security effect in the short term. Without measures to improve its efficiency of operation and earn domestic support, the KIC, if reopened, would remain liberals' unfulfilled promise.

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