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MYONG-CHEONG-SA YONGU (JOURNAL OF MING-QING HISTORICAL STUDIES)

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수록범위 : 1권0호(1992)~58권0호(2022) |수록논문 수 : 533
명청사연구
58권0호(2022년 10월) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
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KCI등재

저자 : 金成修 ( Sung Soo Kim )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 58권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 1-30 (30 pages)

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As the collapse of the Mongol Empire, Central Eurasia gradually divided into two realms, the Russian Empire and the Qing Empire respectively succeeded to the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China. Since the late 14th century Mongol Empire had lost control to Chinese territory and fragmented into several smaller territories over Eurasia. But it doesn't mean Mongol's rule thoroughly retreated back to the eastern part of Mongol plateau where Mongols had started. From the view of Mongolian history, It was no mere coincidence that the Russian empire marches to the east, and the Qing empire marches to the west. Between two empires there was several still powerful Mongol rulers and they still tried to re-establish their Dai-Ön rule over the central Eurasia.
During the 16th to 17th centuries, Dayan Khan and his successors tried to reunify the Chinggisid lineage on the eastern part of the central Eurasia. Altan Khan, a grandson of Dayan Khan, invaded A-mdo(Qing Hai) for defeating the Right Wing rebellion, and restored the relationship between Mongol Court and Tibetan Buddhist Sects called Priest-Patron or the mchod-yon. This religious relationship has been spread over Mongol Society, especially among the Chinggisid lineage. After the Manchu arose from the east of Mongol plateau, Nurhaci and Hongtaiji made strenuous efforts to participate this religio-political relationship between Mongols and Tibet. During the Shunzhi era, it had been completed by inviting the 5th Dalai Lama to Beijing. As a religious benefactor, Qing court sent politically meaningful, worthy gifts and alms to Tibetan Buddhist Sects, especially Geluk represented by Dalai Lama. Patron's gifts and Priest's rewards mutually traveled through the network around the Inner Asia, the eastern part of Mongol plateau. This article focused on Gifts and Giving-Rituals in Inner Asia during the 16th to 17th centuries. Under the historical backgrounds above mentioned Patron and Priest showed great enthusiasm on reciprocal exchanges for Seal, Statue of Buddha and deities and Tanka and so on. These Gifts and Giving-Rituals exchanged through the religio-political relationship usually had specific meaning or goals they intended. I selected several examples like the Wačirbani Tanka for Abadai Khan, the Mahākāla for Hongtaiji and approached iconographic analysis.

KCI등재

저자 : 蔡暻洙 ( Chae Kyung-soo )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 58권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 31-63 (33 pages)

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This paper traces the process of the conversion of overseas trade channels in the Fujian region from the end of the 16th century to the end of the 17th century, focusing on the political and economic background surrounding it.
Haicheng(海澄) was the only official overseas trade port at the end of the Ming Dynasty. Xiamen(厦門) was also one of the four maritime ports established by the Qing Empire in implementing the open sea policy after conquering Taiwan. Related studies dealt with the two harbor cities with considerable weight as external channels for the two early modern empires, the Ming and the Qing. In most cases, however, each city was analyzed in its historical context as a separate issue. Most studies did not treat the two cities as a continuous relationship. The two harbor cities are geographically very close and capable of similar functions within the region. In short, they are replaceable to each other. In the early 17th century, Xiamen has taken the status of the main harbor of the region instead of Haicheng, but the explanation of the background dynamics is still insufficient.
Anhai(安海) is less renowned than the before-mentioned two port cities. However, recent studies of the Zheng group revealed that the first leader, Zheng Zhi-long(鄭芝龍), operated an exclusive smuggling network centered on Anhai for decades since he surrendered to the Ming empire. As the Zheng group gained official power, Anhai took over the control of the trade network from Haicheng, the existing trade center, and functioned as a transitional center of the Fujian overseas trade network until the Zheng group moved to the new center, Xiamen. Therefore, to accurately understand the transition from Haicheng to Xiamen, it is necessary to understand the functions performed and the status enjoyed by Anhai.
The change between the three port cities for 120 years can be said to be the product of conflict, compromise, and confrontation between continental and maritime forces over the unprecedented economic interest called 'the expansion of global silver trade'. In simple terms, it was linked directly with the rise and fall of the Zheng group. The transition from Haicheng to Anhai occurred for the Zheng group was conceived in the aftermath of the confrontation between the Spain Empire and the VOC over East Asian seas to take over the trade network with China. The transition from Anhai to Xiamen occurred during the massive political event, called “the Ming-Qing transition.” The Xiamen trade system was built during the post-processing process after the Qing Empire eliminated the Zheng group of Taiwan.

KCI등재

저자 : 金晙永 ( Kim Jun-young )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 58권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 65-98 (34 pages)

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On the surface, the spread of the genealogy compilation culture in Manchuria society can be seen as an example indicating that they have become Hanhua(漢化). However, even if the genealogy originated from the Han culture, the Manchurian genealogy of the Qing Dynasty also has its own specificity, like the genealogy of various ethnic groups in East Asia. Of course, based on the various characteristics of the Manchurian genealogy mentioned in the text, it is not intended to argue that the Manchurian was not become Hanhua. Because this is an individual problem, not a problem that can be concluded through any part. Therefore, instead of discriminating whether it is Hanhua through genealogy, we tried to find answers to more essential questions about how genealogy affected Manchuria society. Specifically, why genealogy was needed in Manchuria society? And how it spread to Manchuria society, what genealogy spread means in Manchuria society, etc.
Unlike the Chinese of the same time, the national-led official genealogy was compiled in the Manchurian society. The official genealogy was formed and spread with mutual influence rather than unilateral propagation to Manchuria society. The reason why the Qing Dynasty ruler spread the genealogy, a foreign culture, to Manchurian society was that genealogy had a practical function necessary to maintain Manchurian society. Meanwhile, the appearance of the Manchurian genealogy is also different from the Chinese genealogy, such as mixed Manchu and Chinese language genealogies. This type of genealogy can represent the coexistence and cultural convergence of Manchu and Han.

KCI등재

저자 : 曺永憲 ( Cho Young-hun )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 58권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 99-138 (40 pages)

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This article identifies Beijing, the capital city of late Imperial China for about 800 years, as the junctional point of the two spatial civilizations, the continent and the maritime, and attempts to re-examine the Grand Canal, the transportation route of Beijing, as the connecting line to the continent and the maritime civilization. As for the time frame, the Yuan-Ming-Qing dynasties, in which Beijing performs the function of the Capital of whole area and the dynamics of the Grand Canal are remarkably expressed, were used as the basic analysis period.
In this article, I tried to modify the existing view that Beijing was regarded as a city of continental civilization. Until now, many scholars have not paid much attention to the fact that Beijing was not a self-sufficient city, that is, Beijing was a city that could not survive unless it was linked to the Grand Canal.
However, since Beijing was created and maintained by connecting with the Grand Canal, which is based on “connectivity,” the vitality of ocean continued to be added to the continental city of Beijing. The Grand Canal played not only the integration between the north and south China, but also the role of a connecting line connecting the maritime civilization through the Jiangnan route connecting Hangzhou and Suzhou, Ningpo route connecting Zhedong Canal and Zoushan islands, and Tianjin route connecting the Gulp of Pohai. The Grand Canal has made Beijing, which was born on the basis of continental civilization, the junctional point between continental and maritime civilization.
After all, Beijing can be described as follows in the history of civilization. “Beijing is a port. It is a port that leads to pasture and continents and connects to the sea through the Grand Canal.”

KCI등재

저자 : 金暻綠 ( Kim Kyeong Lok )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 58권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 139-177 (39 pages)

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During the Hongwu period, he carried out various activities such as the founding of the Ming dynasty, the conduct of many wars, the Improvement of Military Polite, political activities, and various compilations. Hong-wu emperor actively responded to the changes in the situation, expanding his power and founding an empire called Ming. Unlike other military leaders, Hong-wu emperor won the war, established administration system, and solved various trouble with his times.
After the founding of the Ming dynasty, the demand for war increased, and a larger army was sent to the conquest army. The way the emperor, who does not directly participate in the war, emphasizes his loyalty to a large army is to look for the traditional Rite system. That's military polite. Hong-wu emperor entrusted the role of guarding the military polite to the guard unit Gongweisi(拱衛司) and Yiluansi(儀鸞司).

KCI등재

저자 : 辛周炫 ( Sheen Joo-hyun )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 58권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 179-208 (30 pages)

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The article suggests to take a fresh look at the historical significance of Shilu by the Dominican friar, Juan Cobo. It aims to evaluate the implication of the work as one of the Catholic apologetics literatures in Chinese during late Ming period. First, the article provides a historiographical critique particularly on its dominance in dealing with the latter part of Shilu. The first chapter also deals with the confirmation of the title of Shilu for it has been misleadingly referred to as Bian Zhengjiao Zhenchuan Shilu rather than Wuji Tianzhu Zhengjiao Zhenchuan Shilu. Second, the article investigates remarkable aspects of accommodationism in the apologetics as a pioneering discussion of buru, Catholicism complementing Confucianism, as well as noteworthy motivation of Cobo as a member of Domincan order competing with the Society of Jesus. Cobo did not only take quotations from the Chinese Classic, Zhongyong(The Doctrine of the Mean). He took significant terms with Neo-Confucianism, which is quite distinctive to the typical discussions in Jesuit accommodation, particularly those by Matteo Ricci. Finally, the article strives to provide a comparative analysis in the terminology of Shilu, with those of Michele Ruggieri's Tianzhu Shilu and Matteo Ricci's Tianzhu Shiyi. By these, we can glimpse some primary traits of the first Dominican apologetics written in Chinese and its implications, particularly when it comes to authorship and circulation of Chinese Christian texts in the Early Modern World.

KCI등재

저자 : 朴贊根 ( Park Chan-guen )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 58권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 209-255 (47 pages)

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After the Spanish began mining large reserves of silver in the Americas in the 16th century, the Spanish Empire produced the “8 Reales” silver coin, which became the global currency for world trade thereafter. In China, the ascendancy of Spanish silver, dating form the seventeenth century, replaced the role of Japanese silver that had taken the leading place in the supply of silver in China along with some silver coins from various trading partners. During the Qing Dynasty, Silver Coins flowed into Guangdong region and it was generally called “Western Silver Coins (yángqián).” Because the silver content and the weigh of Western Silver Coins were more regular than those of Chinese silver taels, Western Silver Coins were convenient to use for Chinese people. For that reason, Western Silver Coins were valued more than the original silver content of them. These coins were mainly circulated in the southeastern coastal region of China. Against this backdrop, Chinese people were tempted to create imitations of Silver Coins, which were collectively called the “Imitations of Western Silver Coins (fǎngzhùyángyín).” Throughout the Qing Dynasty, silver played key roles in the financial system of China. However, the Qing government did not have a mint that manufactured silver coins, nor did it draw up rules about forms and usages of silver coins. On top of that, the government did not specifically control and regulate the circulation of Western Silvers Coins and the Imitations of Western Silver Coins.
In the first half of the nineteenth century, however, the Qing government faced with the hike in silver price, which compelled the government to take measures to stabilize the price of silver. For example, the government banned the outflow of silver from China. It was at this point that the Chinese government found problems in the use Western Silver Coins and the Imitations of Western Silver Coins. From the government's perspective, Western Silver Coins overvalued compared to Chinese silver taels could worsen the increase in the price of silver, and Imitations of Western Silver Coins was accused of transforming silver taels in China into Silver Coins for overseas trade. During the years of Daoguang Emperor, the Imitations of Western Silver Coins was banned by a law of different characteristics to protect Chinese financial system highly dependent on silver. In contrast, the Qing government did not promulgate any laws or regulations that imposed limitations on Western Silver Coins' domestic circulation and outflows to overseas. Consequently, despite their silver content over ninety percent, Western Silver Coins remained in circulation without any restraints. The Qing government's acquiescence to the use of Western Silver Coins was based on an idea that Western Silver Coins were in principle considered foreign stuffs from outside of China, having specific forms and a highly valued price that came from non-Chinese origins. By the same logic, bureaucrats of the Qing Dynasty were allowed to use Western Silver Coins for the convenience of commerce. What underpinned the Qing government's conflicting responses to Western Silver Coins and the Imitations of Western Silver Coins during Daoguang era was the meaning of silver in Qing China: silver should function as a material for financial management.

KCI등재

저자 : 權仁溶 ( Kwon Inyong )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 58권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 257-293 (37 pages)

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In the first half of 1885, Shanghai merchants of the Qing Dynasty exported rice to the Wonsan area in the name of disaster relief. Among them, the export business, which was carried out under Chen Keliang's name, was inseparable from the consuls in Joseon from the beginning of its implementation in 1884. Consuls were in charge of various related tasks, including coordination with the relevant departments of Joseon, performing certain administrative procedures, and selecting project managers. They even went directly into this business. This was an inappropriate move that could lead to conflicts of interest. The least justification was needed. Consul-general Chen Shutang raised the issue of relief by local governments. It was somewhat unreasonable, but Liu Jiacong, the consul of Wonsan, actively accepted it. He insisted that the consuls should proceed in a way that pays for the funds. He volunteered to pay up to 30 percent of the fund. Chen Shutang came to a final conclusion. It was carried out in the name of Chen Keliang as originally planned, but consuls chose to participate as partners. He also proposed the principle of holding shares. Chen Shutang and Chen Keliang will share 60% of the shares, while Tan Gengyao, vice consul, and Liu Jiacong, consul of Wonsan, will share 20%, respectively. Through this process, consuls participated in the business.
Business did not go smoothly. Chen Shutang and Liu Jiacong had a difference in their attitude toward the business. According to related documents, Liu Jiacong was very active and Chen Shutang was somewhat cautious. Basically, of course, both agreed on the need for this project. In fact, most important business decisions were made by Chen Shutang. There was clearly also a reason why Liu Jiacong was personally much more desperate for this business. In addition to the fact that it was a trade in the Wonsan area, his jurisdiction, he even invested directly, unlike other consuls. However, in the course of the project, Liu Jiacong suffered unexpected damage.
The business was finally hit hard. Chen Shutang was replaced. The absolute irreplaceable presence in the operation of this business suddenly disappeared. He gave up his role around the time of his resignation. He was never seen trying to solve various problems. He may have been disappointed by his future, but he has virtually let go of his business. Liu Jiacong was transferred to Busan at the end of 1885 and returned to his home country in March the following year. His younger brother, Liu Jiaxiang, became a temporary consul and succeeded, but was replaced less than three months later. After a while, due to the maximization of the conflict between Huang Jianpo and Liu Jiacong, he even made an extreme choice. It was the tragic end of the weakest link among the consuls. Meanwhile, Tan Gengyao was also expelled from Joseon in the first half of 1886. The main characters and workers who formed the backbone of the business have all disappeared over some time difference.

KCI등재

저자 : 朴敏洙 ( Park Min-su ) , 黃海潤 ( Hwang Hae-yun )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 58권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 295-328 (34 pages)

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In 2021, the high school elective subject < East Asian History > was dropped from the CSAT (College Scholastic Ability Test). This study examines the present and future of Ming-Qing history education within the context of Chinese History and World History. Starting from providing a comprehensive overview on the decision to exclude < East Asian History >, we will analyze the current 2015 Revised National Curriculum and the proposed 2022 Revised National Curriculum which will likely to be confirmed soon.
Another important purpose of this study is to share the key contents of the Proposal for 2022 Revised National Curriculum with our fellow members of the Society For Ming-Qing Historical Studies (Myeong Cheong Sahakhoe, 明清史學會). Specifically, we have analyzed the contents and key characteristics behind the reorganization of elective middle school < History Ⅰ(World History) >, high school < World History >, and high school < East Asian History Travel > by examining the Achievement Standards (Seongchwi gijun). As a researcher and teacher in Ming-Qing history, we strive to maintain an objective position and also avoid making selfish claims that the inclusion of Ming-Qing history into the middle and high school curriculum. As an alternative, we present an analysis and prediction on what context the contents of the Ming and Qing dynasties can be presented and utilized in the new National Curriculum.
Through this, we hope that every researcher of the Society For Ming-Qing Historical Studies will scrutinize and focus on the reorganization of the curriculum and write new textbooks in the near future, recognizing the “crisis” and “opportunities” facing World History and East Asian History education.

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