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1홍무 5년(1372) 명 태조의 고려에 대한 의심과 '힐난 성지'

저자 : 丘凡眞 ( Koo Bumjin ) , 鄭東勳 ( Jung Donghun )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 1-41 (41 pages)

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Zhu Yuanzhang 朱元璋, or Ming Taizu 明 太祖, gave a speech of denunciation to the Goryeo envoys sent by King Gongmin 恭愍王. This took place in the twelfth lunar month of the fifth year of the Hongwu 洪武 reign, or in mid-January 1373. The emperor exploded in rage, claiming that Goryeo killed his eunuch envoy he had sent earlier in the year. He also expressed his suspicions about Goryeo providing crucial military information to Naghachu, the famous Mongol warlord in Manchuria. Naghachu had in fact quite recently launched a surprise attack on the Ming troops stationed in the Liaodong peninsula in December 1372. In extreme anger, Zhu Yuanzhang went so far as to threaten a large-scale attack on Goryeo in the future.
Historians have, up until now, interpreted this speech of denunciation as a significant turning point when the relationship between Ming and Goryeo suddenly soured and began deteriorating rapidly after having maintained a friendly relationship since the establishment of formal diplomatic relations in 1369.
This paper presents an alternative interpretation to this conventional reading by re-reading and re-analyzing the imperial speech and paying close attention to the historical incidents from the spring of 1372. Our analysis shows that Zhu Yuanzhang began to suspect as early as the spring of that year that Goryeo was attempting military espionage activities in the Liaodong region. The emperor's suspicions were strengthened by various incidents throughout the year. It must be noted that Zhe Yuanzhang was frustrated by a painful military setback against the Northern Yuan in the same year, and he seemed to realize that Goryeo should be seen as a competing force, rather than an ally when it came to the Ming advance to the Liaodong region. Goryeo was laying its own claim to the Mongol imperial legacy in the region at that time. As the military situation in the north turned unfavorable, the Ming emperor had sufficient reasons to be worried about Goryeo joining forces with Mongol. However, Zhu Yuanzhang could not simply sever the relationship with Goryeo in retaliation without any solid evidence to support his brewing suspicions.
Therefore, Yuanzhang's speech should be read as a precautious warning towards Goryeo, rather than an irreversible turning point in the breakdown of the diplomatic relationship that came later in 1375 after King Gongmin's assassination in the autumn of 1374.

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2천총 8-9년 후금의 동해여진 원정과 홍타이지의 팔기 개혁

저자 : 이옥지 ( Lee¸ Okji )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 43-75 (33 pages)

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This article examines the relation between the Manchu state's military campaigns against the Donghai Jurchen (東海女眞) and the development of the Eight Banner system. Previous research studies on the Donghai campaigns focus on individual events or specific areas, but little has been written about the general characteristics of the campaigns. The main purpose of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the Manchu state's Donghai campaigns; furthermore, through this analysis, clarify their relevance to the renovation of the banner system, especially the system promoted by Hong Taiji during the later years of the Tiancong (天聰) era.
Based on Manchu records, there were a total of 15 military campaigns into Donghai regions during Hong Taiji's reign. More specifically, 10 out of 15 campaigns had no other major mission other than bringing over the local population. The banner army had a target population size to recruit, which was carefully set up in advance. As the result of the campaigns, up to thirty thousand Donghai people, in which at least one third were adult males, migrated to the Manchu state and were immediately integrated into the banner companies.
The largest Donghai campaign took place during the 8-9th years of the Tiancong Era, and was closely related to the overall renovation of the banner system. On the 21st day of the 9th month of the 8th year of the Tiancong Era (1634), Hong Taiji proposed a new policy regarding the distribution of the newly-submitted Donghai population, saying that instead of evenly dividing the population among all eight banners, top priority must be given to the banners that had fewer companies. By doing so, Hong Taiji not only attempted to even out the number of companies across all eight banners, but also aimed to extensively reinforce the banner system. Large new populations were necessary to enforce this new policy, which served as a form of momentum to launch a series of Donghai campaigns on an unprecedented scale later that year.
According to the record of Neiguoshiyuandang, 18 companies were established as a result of this new policy. Though the exact date of their formation is uncertain, considering the method proposed by Hong Taiji, it is likely that they were created not long after the decision was made. In fact, there are a few pieces of evidence supporting this assumption. Around the time when the massive expeditionary force departed for the Donghai regions, 59 people were granted special privileges which exempted their companies from various taxes. At the same time, some were provided with additional Donghai population to further expand their existing company, or even to create a new one. This process was completed before the army returned from the campaign, which makes it a perfect example of the 'create a company first, staff it later' policy of Hong Taiji's new plan. Since Donghai campaigns were fully planned operations, it was possible to plan distribution of soon-to-be-submitted populations in advance.
In conclusion, the Donghai campaigns during the later years of the Tiancong Era were not isolated activities, but an important part of the overall reform project of the banner system. It must be noted that while it was true that there was a general consensus on the need to reform the banner system at the time, Hong Taiji took the opportunity to use it for his own advantage. In this sense, the Donghai campaigns during the later years of the Tiancong Era can be considered one of the first steps in the process of shoring up Hong Taiji's political position and transforming the state, which began after the death of Ligdan Khan and the submission of the Chahar Mongols, and would eventually lead to the proclamation of 'Daicing gurun (大淸)', the Qing.

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3담배 태우는 만주인들 ― 청초(淸初) 만주인의 담배문화와 연금령(烟禁令) ―

저자 : 林慶俊 ( Lim¸ Gyungjune )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 77-109 (33 pages)

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The purpose of this paper is to examine the influence of tobacco introduced to the Qing dynasty at the 17 century. Tobacco, which was introduced to eastern Eurasia through the Spanish galleon trade, eventually spread to Manchuria and became the most popular item among the Manchus. Previous studies have established the view that the time of tobacco introduction to Manchuria is after 1627. On the other hand, this paper presents the possibility of raising the time of tobacco propagation to 1625 by making full use of the historical materials of Qing dynasty and Joseon dynasty at the same time.
Tobacco, which was introduced to Manchuria, quickly became an essential luxury item in the daily lives of Manchus. It is thought that Manju people used tobacco for three purposes. First of all, tobacco was given as a prize in horse racing competitions which also served as military training, and it was used as an imperial gift given by the emperor. Tobacco was then used as a gift in a policy to include the Mongolian leader. Finally, it was confirmed that tobacco was being used like money.
Hong Taiji used tobacco politically and distributed the prohibition on smoking for financial reasons and to prevent fires in an attempt to curb the use of tobacco by Manchus. The background of this policy was the financial pressure of tobacco, which was not self-sufficient and had to depend on imports from the Joseon Dynasty. At the same time, it seems to have included a practical intention to prevent smokers from misfiring and causing fires when they lit their tobacco. In addition, this paper points out that Hong Taiji tried to position the Imperial family as a privileged class by limiting the smoking range to the Imperial family, but as a result, it failed.

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4청조(淸朝) 대만(臺灣) 영유 결정의 해양사적 고찰 ― 명말(明末) 청초(淸初) 팽호(澎湖)의 지정학적 위상 변화를 중심으로 ―

저자 : 蔡暻洙 ( Chae¸ Kyung-soo )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 111-151 (41 pages)

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This research trace the island named Peng-hu(澎湖), in terms of what kind of geopolitical position it had, and how its status has changed in the turbulent maritime world during the mid 16th century to the late 17th century, especially with consideration given to the relations with Taiwan(臺灣).
Until the middle of the Ming Dynasty, Peng-hu was an island that place on the marginal edge of the empire territory, and it was virtually abandoned place due to the Hong-wu(洪武) emperor's emptying islands policy. Naturally, there was a little traffic with 'barbaric island'-Taiwan. However, the Peng-hu's geopolitical stature had risen drastically on the effects of 'Late wokou(後期倭寇)' and 'the open of Hai-cheng harbor (海澄開港)' after the mid and late 16th century. Ever since, Peng-hu achieved recognition and functioned as a critical point to link the northern and the southern sea routes. Such importance was directly related to the maritime security issues caused by Wokou and the overseas trade opportunity with Manila.
In 1622, VOC tried to occupy Peng-hu, and the Ming firmly took determined action in response. Such event clearly shows the rise of the geopolitical importance of the Peng-hu, where two critical factors overlapped - security concerns and trade opportunities. VOC's aim was to obstruct the Spain-Manila trade route by occupying Peng-hu. The Ming empire actively responded against security threats and the trade damage that could cause by losing of Peng-hu. The confrontation was concluded by which VOC decided to give up Peng-hu and establish a new basement in southwestern Taiwan. The VOC's colonization of Taiwan pushed up this barbaric island to the front stage of the world's history. Meanwhile, Peng-hu had lost the focus of the public attention for a while.
The Zheng regime(鄭氏勢力) conquest Taiwan quite easily, thanks to VOC, which had abandoned Peng-hu. Such a lesson has accepted seriously by both the Zheng regime and the Qing empire. That is why the military confrontation between the Zheng regime and the Qing empire had formed around Peng-hu. Because both regimes recognized the meaning of occupying Peng-hu, as almost the same as Conquest Taiwan. The naval battle of Peng-hu in 1683 was not just an opening stage battle but a pitched battle, in which both sides poured every available resource. Thus, the balance of power tilted toward the Qing empire, when Shi Lang(施瑯)'s fleet defeated Zheng's fleet and occupied Peng-hu.
In the early moment, the interest of the Qing empire for Taiwan was on the 'people' rather than the 'territory'. Nevertheless, the two major contributors of the Taiwan Conquest - Shi Lang and Yao Qi-sheng(姚啓聖) emphasized with one voice the necessity of possessing Taiwan. Among them, Shi Lang sent a memorial called Gong Chen Tai Wan Qi Liu Shu(恭陳臺灣棄留疏), in which Shi Lang argued the imperativeness of terrorizing Taiwan through the history of the last century. Although Shi Lang appealed that Taiwan was an essential military strategical foothold for pacifying coastal provinces, at the same time, he also showed that Peng-hu still remained as a critical point in the new defense system. Shi Lang's Memorial reveals the geopolitical importance of Peng-hu, which had privileged for the last century, has begun to intertwine with the new rising geographical context - Taiwan.

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5청초(淸初) 『명사(明史)』 「역지(曆志)」의 편찬과 매문정(梅文鼎)의 율(律), 역(曆), '천문(天文)' 해석

저자 : 이미영 ( Lee¸ Mi Young )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 153-205 (53 pages)

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In order for Lizhi writing, the part of Ming History Han literati had to understand “Old Principle” more clearly than “New Principle” which was for calendar making based on Western learning because Ming history project was for a compilation of last emperor history, not for recent works such as the calendar reform and yearly calendar making. Han literati firstly discussed on what problems related to calendar works under their last Ming bureaucracy were. Meanwhile they can build on the basic plans for Lizhi writing.
Especially Mei Wen Ding who was one of Lizhi members suggested the new ways to understand Li, LüLi and Tianwen during the discuss on four kinds of Lifa of Late Ming with Han literati who had no basic learning of Li. LüLi should be divided for two because each has different meaning and works. Li and Tianwen should not be understood as the same because each work is totally different. Tianwen should accept “New principle” and reflect “Old principle” because both all plays essential roles for Li.
Therefore Mei Wen Ding can suggest the ways to solve the problems originated from the Ming calendar works: Firstly to think Lili and Lishu together. Secondly no more astrology with to study Li as well as to know importance of masters on LiSuan learning. Lastly no more mantic comprehension with events on sky and to know importance of Suan learning.

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6청중기(清中期) 만주인(滿洲人)의 일상 속 족장(族長)의 역할

저자 : 김준영 ( Kim¸ Jun-young )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 207-239 (33 pages)

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There was the clan leader who represented each clan in the niru, a basic social unit of the Eight Banners in the Qing Period. The precedent research onthe role of the Manchus clan leader mainly covered the roles related to the clan leader's clan activities, such as supervision of the ancestral rites, management of kinsmen's property, compilation of the genealogy, an adoptive son issue within the clan. They described that the Manchus were also formed based on a similar index of the clan formation to the Han people who appeared in the Manchus clan. Manchus were a bannerman who all belonged to Eight Banners, and various standards of Eight Banners greatly affected the large part of their daily life. In this regard, the formation of the Manchus clan and the role of the clan leader were also affected by Eight Banners. However, it is not easy to find an attempt to examine the contact point with Eight Banners other than an effort to find out a contact point with the Han people clan. The reason is to explain the index of the clan formation as a phenomenon of Manchus' assimilating into Han people. This paper focused on the relation between the head of the Manchus clan who was the top leadership of the clan and Eight Banners and researched the position of the head of the Manchus clan in niru and the role of the clan leader in the daily life of bannerman.
Unlike the head of the Han people clan, the Manchus clan leader complied with Qing regulations and selected those with high official positions within the clan. There is a reason why Qing did not weigh on selecting a formal government official but the clan leader; it is because the clan leader took the role of managing and supervising Manchu's daily life on the front lines. Qing sovereign tried to edify Manchus through imperial edict and directives in order for Manchus to maintain the ruling group's dignity. Because an emperor's order was delivered to the bannerman by the clan leader, the clan leader was justified to control kinsmen based on imperial edict and directive. In addition, the clan leader specified kinsmen's daily life control and authority of punishment granted by an emperor in the family regulation, so that he emphasized the authority of managing kinsmen. It is the Manchus clan's characteristic that specified the authority of the clan leader in the clan's lessons. It was because the clan leader was the subject who was the most severely punished after offenders.

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7건륭연간(乾隆年間) 북경성(北京城) 지도(地圖)와 국가전례(國家典禮) 기록화(記錄畵)

저자 : 정은주 ( Jeong¸ Eun-joo )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 241-278 (38 pages)

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This paper is aimed to understand in aspect of the structural changes of the capital city through the maps of Beijing and the documentary paintings during the reign of Qianlong Emperor. Due to the influence making techniques of the Western cartography, the map of Beijing in detail showed the more systematic aspect of Beijing's governance than before. In addition, the maps reflected the past trace of Beijing over time.
The paintings of the imperial ceremonies against the backdrop of Beijing were made in great styles in the reign of Qianlong. These paintings are national-scale recordings centered around the palace and outside the walls of Beijing capital city at the time and are meaningful visual materials that show the actual status of rituals held at the site along with the related records. The paintings were classified by the state rituals in the Qing Dynasty. These allow for practical access to the intentions of the Qing emperor and politicians to realize in the capital city of Beijing.
The ceremonies of the Emperor and the Empress dowager' Birthday were held to celebrate on a national scale. The imperial family were also congratulated by the government officials and foreign envoys. A number of court paintings and wood-blocks were made in the background of the celebration of the Emperor and the Empress dowager' Birthday.
The paintings of the banquet for victorious campaign at Ziguang-ge(紫光閣) and the ceremony offering captives and the head of an enemy to the Emperor at Wumen(午門) are the military ceremonies commemorating the victory on a foreign expedition in 1760. The military skating game on ice at Taiyechi(太液池) around the time of winter solstice to promote the martialism and to make a show force to foreign countries.
The paintings of the national ceremonies against Beijing capital focused on the powerful imperial power, the era of prosperity, and the images reproduced great powers of the Qing Dynasty.

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8『홍루몽(紅樓夢)』에 나오는 본관(本貫)의 의미 분석

저자 : 안광호 ( An¸ Gwang Ho )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 279-302 (24 pages)

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Many Korean scholars understand a word of Benguan in a Chinese novel Hongloumeng as the same as that of Korean lineage system. And, this view is not only limited to the study of Hongloumeng, but also the same in understanding the Chinese historiography. However, as can be seen in the case of Hongloumeng, a word of Benguan means 'where the person was born' or 'where the person's household register is listed' in Chinese society. And this meaning of Benguan in Chinese society is different from that in modern Korean society, which means the hometown of the ancestral seat who lived hundreds or thousands of years ago. The reason why the same word, Benguan, was used in different meanings in both Korean and Chinese societies is because Benguan in Korean society has changed to fit the Korean lineage system rather than the original meaning, whereas Chinese still use the word as same as original meaning. Also, many Chinese people used Yuanji, Jiguan, Xiangguan, Benji, Zuji, Jiguan as the same sense as the Benguan. All of those words means the person's hometown, not their ancestral's hometown. The novel, Jinpingmei, which was published in the late Ming dynasty and is known as the origins of Hongloumeng in Qing dynasty, also used Benguan, Xiangguan, Zuji, Yuanji to express the hometown of their characters. This points of Jinpingmei suggest that Benguan meant the person's hometown in Ming society, just like that in Qing society.

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919세기 양호(兩湖)지역 콜레라의 유입과 토착화

저자 : 金賢善 ( Kim¸ Hyunsun )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 303-336 (34 pages)

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The COVID-19 began in 2019 in Wuhan City, Hubei Province. COVID-19 spread all over the world and threatened many people. Many scientists expect the virus that causes COVID-19 to become endemic and causes continuous epidemics, which is giving people fear and huge stress. At the same time, racism and hatred are occurring all over the world towards Asian people as a result of such a fear. However, in the nineteenth century the exact opposite happened, when Cholera first spread from India to other parts of the globe in 1817 and reaching Hubei and Hunan Provinces in 1820. In this regard, the aim of this study was to investigate the influx of Cholera in the Hubei and Hunan Provinces during the nineteenth century. Furthermore, this article tried to examine the course of cholera becoming endemic in the Hubei and Hunan Provinces.
Cholera widely spread into the China in the years of 1820s. At that time, an epidemic broke out in the Mountainous areas of Hunan Province, which according to the baojingxian(保靖縣) gazetteers was called "mazuwen(麻足瘟)", its name which indicates symptoms known with Cholera infection, such as muscle cramps due to rapid dehydration and electrolyte imbalance. At that time, Guangdong(廣東) Province was an important area for the spread of Cholera. The Cholera imported into China in 1820s, widely spread into Hunan province through the trade routes with the Guangdong Province, which increased the chances of contact and the routes of transmission of the disease.
In 1832, an epidemic occurred in the Hubei and Hunan Provinces, which based on its link to the trade routes, its high death rate, and its waterborne nature, it is highly probable to have been the Cholera. The frequent floods have provided a favorable environment for Cholera to spread. Since then, Cholera became more prevalent in the Hubei and Hunan Provinces and remained. The prelude to a new epidemic era had opened.
Studying the Cholera inflows will improve the understanding of Chinese cholera history. By examining the history of infectious diseases, we gain a better understanding of not only today's Corona crisis but also any future pandemic that might arise. At the same time, the understanding that the Hubei and Hunan Provinces were themselves once victims of infectious diseases inflows would allow for a more unbiased perspective towards the current outbreak, which could hopefully help reducing a racism and hatred that has been triggered and spreading ever since.

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10영미사학계의 명대 연구 ― 『케임브리지 중국사: 명사』 8권 상편을 중심으로 ―

저자 : 이화승 ( Lee Hwa-seung )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 55권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 337-364 (28 pages)

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The recognition of China in the United States and Europe remained in the field of a few specialists until the 1950s but gradually gained new attention due to the political change in the international community and China. Following the increased public interests, the demand for new book increased. the representative Chinese synoptic history book published at that time was The Cambridge History of China. In 1966, Professor Denis Twitchett and Professor John K. Fairbank planned to write a book with support from the U.S. government “to provide Western readers with contents and basic Chinese history,” Unlike the previous Chinese synoptic history books, The Cambridge History of China Vol. 8: The Ming Dynasty was published in 1988 by the participation of locally working American, European and Chinese scholars.
Obvious limits were undeniable when British and American researchers investigated Chinese history. In the mid-twentieth century, when this book was prepared and published, direct contact with China was limited. It was not easy to read completely unfamiliar texts and cultures, obtain data, and exchange between scholars. Unlike Chinese researchers, they were unaccustomed to an approach to the historical sources through a long-learning process to train a macroscopic perspective.
This article will discuss such as the background of the writing process, the relationship between researchers, the achievement of researches in the U.S. and Europe on Chinese history at that time, and the gap of the times behind the achievement through analysis of “Political History part”, The Cambridge History of China: The Ming Dynasty, Part Ⅰ, published in 1988, with focus on human factors.

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1연안해역에서 석유오염물질의 세균학적 분해에 관한 연구

(2006)홍길동 외 1명심리학41회 피인용

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