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57권0호(2022년 04월) 수록논문
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KCI등재

저자 : 鄭哲雄 ( Chung¸ Chul-woong )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 1-35 (35 pages)

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the characteristics of the forestry society in the Qingshui River basin during the Qing Period through the dispute between Pinglue hamlet and Pingqiu hamlet in Jingping district. To shed light on this problem, a judgment document(Documents of Linzingzhai, 5-1-4-088~091) on the lawsuit between the two hamlets in the 『Documents of the Qingshui River』 was used. The lawsuit lasted for about 200 years from the 10th year of Emperor Yongzheng to the 6th year of the Republican period, and the related document contains changes in sales and shares of tree-planter between litigants, as well as changes in society and the administrative authorities in charge of litigation.
Private documents in the Qingshui River basin during the Qing period, where forestry was developed, are common in this type of document dealing with lawsuits by individuals or villages, but we can see the following from the document containing 200 years of border disputes.
First, the period from ligation to its resolution has been prolonged, and the regions of origin of the people involved in the litigation have diversified, which means that the interests of minority regions and society, which were relatively simple during the rule of tusi(土司), have become more complex over time. Based on the changes in the stake of the litigants appearing in the judgment document, the time when such changes began was the reign of the Jiaqing~Daoguang period. The important reasons for this change are the influx of immigrants from outside and the increase in timber sales. Therefore, in order to cope with these social changes, the Qing government resolved this kind of lawsuit through the formal bureaucrats, instead of the chief's office(長官司) which remained until the year of the Daoguang reign.
Second, as in other parts of the Qingshui River basin, a specific clan represented by Peng family purchased most of the property in Pinglue hamlet. However, toward the latter part of the Qing dynasty, they invested a lot of money in purchas of woods and shares of arborists in addition to real estate such as paddy and mountains. Through the judgment document, we can confirm that the defendants actively purchased the shares of arbiters. Of course, this phenomenon did not result in the interests of the arbiter, but it ultimately means that the stake of the arbiter or arbiter itself became more important as it went down to the second half of the Qing Dynasty than the mountains in the southeastern part of the Guizhou province.
Finally, a person like Long Zhaode, who virtually does not exist in the Linxingzhai Documents, accused Peng Renbin or Peng Renpan, who has great economic power, and the relevant ruling ends with a mention that there is no stake owned by Ou Rongben who is neither the defendant nor the plaintiff.
The answer to this situation can explain not only the meaning of the dispute between the two hamlets, but also social changes in southeastern Guizhou province after the middles of the Qing dynasty. Due to such social changes, unknown people such as Long Zhaode were able to challenge the Peng family, who were the influential people of Pinglue hamlet, and fierce competition also occurred among the influential people. It was an extension of such competition that other people in Pinglue hamlet tried to illegally purchase Peng Renbin's property, or Peng Renbin, a leading family member of Pinglue hamlet, appeared as a defendant in a lawsuit related the land boundary.
The reason why Ou Rongben sued the economically influential people of Pinglue hamlet under the pretext of passing through Pingqiu hamlet after ignoring the logging was to secure wood or tp advantage the ownership of shares under the pretext of land boundary. This is evidence that tensions in the southeastern part of Guizhou province have risen over the sale of wood. And the existence of such competition, conversely, may be one of the important factors that kept the forestry society of the Qingshui River basin for a long time, which is a meaningful topic to be devoted to in the future.

KCI등재

저자 : 鄭址鎬 ( Jeong Ji-ho )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 37-65 (29 pages)

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This paper analyzes the social organization and social order of Miao village(苗族 村寨) in Qiandongnan(黔東南) after Gaitu Guiliu(改土歸流), focusing on Kuan(款) and Zhai Lao(寨老). Previously, the reality of Kuan(款) and Zhai lao(寨老) was revealed through anthropological and philological studies. Here's a summary of what we've seen so far:
Traditionally, Miao society has an organization called Kwan(款) based on regional relations. This Kuan(款) became known when the Qing Dynasty used it to Zhaofu (招撫) Miao's society during the Gaitu Guiliu process. It can be said to be a kind of pledge community. This Kwan organization was originally a unique organization of the Dong people(侗族), but it seems to have influenced the Miao society as it spread to the southwestern part of China using regional relations.
The Kwan varied in size from one or two villages to 100 villages, and each region was defended with its own Kwan(款) army, but in an emergency, they worked together to defend against thieves. The cost of running Kuan(款) appears to have been covered by the profits earned by cultivating each village's land, with the rich providing land and the poor providing labor.
Kwan(款) prepared for the invasion of thieves from the outside through blood alliance consciousness, and internally cooperated with each other to promote peace in the village. To this end, the Kwan took responsibility for internal security by strictly cracking down on the influx of outsiders and sternly cracking down on theft, gambling, and fire. However, Kwan(款) had a sanctioning function, such as imposing fines on those who violated internal regulations, but if they did not comply, it seems to have been reported to the competent authorities to control the crime.
Meanwhile, Zhai lao(寨老), an influential figure, appears in each village society that makes up 'Kwan'. Zhai lao played an important role in maintaining social order, such as resolving village disputes. This Zhai lao(寨老) was built on its own in Miao village, but it appears that after Gaitu Guiliu it was registered with the local Goverment Offices and placed under the supervision of the local government. The Qing government rewarded and encouraged Zhai lao when he performed his duties well and worked for the well-being of the village, but also punished Zhai lao for neglecting his duties. Although this Zhai lao was registered with the government and received a protective order, it can be seen that the Ortai(鄂爾泰) directive provided that baojia(保甲) should not intervene and cause trouble, indicating that it was placed in a state of semi-independence. In that sense, Miao village came under the legal control of the Qing Dynasty after Gaitu Guiliu(改土歸流), but in that it maintained the traditional autonomy order, it can be said that it was placed under dual rule of Han(漢)/non Han(非漢).

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Public Mountains(共山) are a unique way of owning mountains that can be confirmed in the folk documents of the minority societies in the Qingshui River basin of Jinping County, Southeast Guizhou Province. Public Mountain refers to a specific mountain area jointly owned and operated by two or more owners, who, in addition to a large number of individuals, maybe a kinship group, an organization within a village, or even an entire village. Public Mountain was a customary expression for which the use of the term was not determined by law, and the names for Public Mountain were also not unified. For this reason, at that time, the minority societies in the Qingshui River basin described these mountain areas as Public Mountain. However, it can be seen that various names such as Lineage Mountain(公山) or Zhong Mountain (衆山, Mountain land owned by many people) were used depending on the form of ownership or expression.
Public Mountains seem to have continued to increase over time in the mid and late Qing periods. During Emperor Guangxu, the number of records of Public Mountain peaked, and the terminology for these mountains land was also gradually unified into Public Mountain. Due to this, Zhong Mountain, which was not much different from the existing Public Mountain, was gradually absorbed into Public Mountain, and the stated quantity decreased. On the contrary, it can be seen that Lineage Mountain, which stands out for its ownership centered on lineage organizations, continues to increase the number of stated quantities along with the inflow, diffusion, and development of lineage culture as the times pass. However, since the names of Public Mountains were not unified and remained at the customary level, several mixed and transitional expressions between the names can be identified in the process.
Also, Public Mountains are a unique mountain land with both private and public nature. Individuals could own a part of these specific mountain areas in the form of “Shares.” Basically, individual property rights could be exercised on these Shares. However, in reality, such private ownership was only conducted under a very limited structure. In addition, the management of the mountains was carried out by many people, and the profits after logging were also distributed by their ownership interests. Due to these characteristics, the ownership structure of Public Mountains became increasingly complicated. However, The Public Mountains formed in the long-term nature of forestry and the difficult environment of forest management improved the stability of production ownership while strengthening mutual solidarity between owners. In particular, the minority society in the Qingshui River basin was an “acquaintance society” with very high reliability among its members. This social characteristic, which is closed to outsiders and has a solid bond between members, helped form a mountain ownership method such as Public Mountains.
In addition, despite the closed ownership structure of Public Mountains, it seems that the sale of Public Mountains was often carried out. Public Mountains were sold for extremely personal reasons but were also sold due to the group's demand to which they belonged. The reason for the sale of Public Mountain Shares informed the various socio-economic problems that people experienced at the time and, at the same time, served as a basis for enabling the survival of individuals and communities through the disposal of common property. In addition, the owners of the Public Mountains tried to manage Public Mountains efficiently and stably by imposing fines or preparing monitoring costs for violations of regulations. However, conflicts between individuals or groups were unavoidable as many of the interests of each owner were involved in Public Mountains. In this case, disputes were settled through arbitration among villagers or transferring land to religious facilities.
In other words, it can be said that Public Mountains were the result of the efforts of the minority community in the lower Qingshui River, Jinping County, to manage the large mountainous area more safely and efficiently. Fundamentally, it can be said that there was considerable trust or sense of solidarity among mountain landowners in the fundamental background of such a unique ownership and management method that could continue for hundreds of years. Also, lineage culture strengthened the bond between members, which could be loose, by enclosing it within the fence of blood ties. In particular, it is worth not that the lineage culture was combined with the existing Public Mountain system of the minority society to form Lineage Mountain, owned by blood-related groups. In addition, as this type of land ownership spread in the minority societies, the socio-economic foundation centered on Public Mountains in these societies was strengthened, and it made a significant contribution to achieving a high level of social cohesion centered on lineage organizations.

KCI등재

저자 : 남민구 ( Nam Min-gu )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 123-172 (50 pages)

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This article describes an abduction case, where Jiang Jiumei(姜九妹), the Miao woman, was the victim of this case. Qing dynasty strived to directly govern Guizhou province(貴州省), dispatching their officials, but was faced with large resistence of 'rare Miao(生苗)', and couldn't make great progress on it.
In 1870, Jiang Yubao(姜玉保), a Miao man, presented a petition to the office of Liping prefecture(黎平府), accusing Han Lushou(韓祿壽), his friend, of kidnapping Jiang Jiumei, his younger brother's wife. Han's family counteracted Jiang's accusation, condemning his accusation as false charge. Without any clear evidence, its conclusion has not been made.
A long-running feud existed between the Jiang family and the Han family, Jiang's father and Han's father were in conflict with each other due to Han's failure to payment for land trade, and this led to a potential rupture with each other.
The Jiang family blamed the Han family as 'Hanjian(漢奸)', illegal Han-chinese immigrants. It meant Han-chinese smugglers who illegally immigrated to Guizhou and sold timbers, which damaged Miao's profit from timber trades. The Jiang family acted collectively to protect from the immigrants' involvement in timber trades that the Jiang family had exclusively conducted.
The Liping magistrate(黎平府知府) didn't make clear comments, because he might have avoided making inadequate judgment, or sought to minimally apply the law on the case.

KCI등재

저자 : 安光鎬 ( An Gwang-ho )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 173-202 (30 pages)

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This paper reviewed the meaning of Qingzi and Qingbaizi among old documents from Jinpingxian in Guizhou province. Unlike other historical sources, old documents specifically contain the appearance of a base society that existed in history. In order for historical researchers to use this old documents, it is necessary to accurately classify documents according to their characteristics. The work of clarifying the characteristics of Qingzi and Qingbaizi that appear in old documents of the Miaozu is also a work of clarifying the daily lives of the Miaozu society that used these documents.
In old documents of the Miaozu, Qingzi and Qingbaizi have many similarities in terms of the format of the document and the contents of the document. Qingzi and Qingbaizi are documents written in the process of resolving the conflict when a conflict occurs between members of the Miaozu society. However, Qingzi is a document written with the purpose of asking for God's will to resolve the conflict between members because the conflict between members is not resolved smoothly, whereas Qingbaizi is a document written with the intention of not making any more problems.

KCI등재

저자 : 정은주 ( Jeong Eun-joo )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 203-270 (68 pages)

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This paper attempted to understand the relationship between Joseon and Ming by analyzing historical records, relics, and paintings of the management of Jeopdae Dogam, a temporary organization to supply the necessary to the commanders and officials of the Ming Dynasty dispatched to Joseon during the Imjin War.
Jeopdae Dogam was temporarily established to take care affairs of the Ming officials, because it was difficult for the prime officials of Joseon Dynasty alone to respond to their demands while the prestigious military officials of the Ming Dynasty were dispatched frequently to Joseon.
The places to respond the prestigious military officials of the Ming Dynasty were also change. Due to the loss of capital palaces, Yongmangwan in Uiju, the guest houses in Yeongyu, Pyeongyang, Haeju, etc. and mansions of Jeongneung-dong in Seoul were used as the temporary palace. Even if there were not the emperor's documents, King Seonjo went to Hongjewon or Mohwagwan in the Seogyo area to welcome the military officials of the Ming Dynasty. The construction of the Saengsadang shrines and memorial stones for the prestigious military officials of the Ming Dynasty were also characteristics that appeared during the Imjin War.
As the military officials continued to be dispatched from the Ming Dynasty, complaints about the reception of Jeopdae Dogam gradually increased in addition to the problems of foods and residences. Considering that high official of Dogam was neglected to respond due to their respective duties, the government appointed a separate Dangsang of Bibyeonsa to take charge of Dogam's work and to examine various tasks at the government office every day. The head of Saganwon was appointed as a translator, and Sahu Dangsang responded closely for the military officials of the Ming Dynasty.
Pyeongyang-bu gave a banquet for the military of Ming returned, and one of the high officials was sent in advance to make hold a banquet with the governor of Pyeongyang as soon as generals of Ming Dynasty arrive there.
The funeral rites for the generals of the Ming Dynasty who was sacrificed during the war held at the residences of capital town as a mortuary, and the memorial service was prepared in Jeopdae Dogam. King Seonjo visited the mortuary and stopped the state affairs for two days to encourage the military.
Gunmun Dogam consisted of 20 people, including Jeopbansa, Nangcheong, Nangjung, and Wonoerang for Hyeong Gae, the Governor General of the military of Ming. Cheonjojangsa jeonbyeoldo of the Sejeonseohwa-cheop, which was handed down to the family of Kim Dae-hyun, showed a unique aspect as the mercenaries of troops of Ming Dynasty dispatched to Joseon during the Imjin War, such as Portuguese soldiers and monkeys. It is also noteworthy that several ethnic groups participated in the war during the Imjin War.
Gyeongri Dogam consisted of 20 people and set up for Gyeongri Yang Ho and Man Se-deok. The place where they took care the military affairs appeared in the Gwanban Jemyeong-cheop and Hwanghwa Sahurok. It is significant that the Joseon government created voluntarily four monuments for Gyeongri Yangho. On the other hand, Gyeongri Man Se-deok made the Joseon government build his monument on Jaseong Fortress in Pusan, and the general Yu Jeong had a painter draw the documentary paintings to promote his achievements.

KCI등재

저자 : 김성수 ( Kim Sung-soo )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 271-306 (36 pages)

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This article examines the relation between the Manchu Daicing gurun and the Mongols during the early 17th century. Especially focused on the Manchu relationship with Chaqar, Qorcin and Khalkha Mongols of the Left Tumen, this article explained the origin of the Hong Taiji's title Gosin onco hūwaliyasun enduringge han(宽温仁圣汗) and Daicing gurun(大淸國), the official name of the Manchu state. These official title and state name after 1636 had been related with Mongols, like as Chaqar above mentioned, which was to be conquered by the Manchu.
On the first month of 1616, Nurhaci proclaimed his new title Genggiyen han which had been designed by Erdeni Bagshi. In the beginning of Manchu state, Beile had been used as the title of their political leader. For strengthening his political authority, Nurhaci made several relationship with Mongols, Qorcin and Khalkha Mongols of the Left Tumen. The Mongols in the early relationship with Manchus gave the han title to Nurhaci. On the year of 1619, Chaqar Ligden khan sent message to Nurhaci, in which remarked Nurhaci as the Genggiyen Kundulen han. It means Manchu had been recognized as one of leaders in the Inner Asian political realm established by Mongols.
Hong taiji subjugated Chaqar Mongol and its political heritage arrived at Mukden, the center of Manchu government. Around the year of 1636, Hong taiji had been called Secen han same as Qubilai of Mongol Empire, and then had been granted the title Gosin onco hūwaliyasun enduringge han by the Mongols who enrolled into Manchu government. Through this procedure Manchu acquired an valuable political legitimacy from the Mongols. After received the title, Hong taiji proclaimed Daicing gurun, as the new name of Manchu state. Under the inner asian world order leaded by the Mongols, these are inevitable consequences that the Manchu accepted the mongolian political tradition and symbols.

KCI등재

저자 : 황혜지 ( Hwang¸ Hye-ji )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 307-347 (41 pages)

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The emperor Yongzheng (r. 1723-1735) often used auspicious phenomena as political tools aimed at legitimizing his accession to the throne and his policies of centralizing control in the peripheries of the empire. Paintings of miraculous crops growing all over the empire, such as Propitious Cereal (Jiahe tu) and Auspicious Grain (Ruigu tu), were thus commissioned to Giuseppe Castiglione (1688-1766) and Jiang Tingxi (1669-1732). Yongzheng's obsession with “auspicious responses” (ruiying) sharply contrasts with his predecessor's criticism. The emperor Kangxi (r. 1662-1722), in fact, not only denied the efficacy of these portents but was also suspicious of the political intents and purposes of the people who reported them to him. Yongzheng attempted nonetheless to prove the authenticity of auspicious phenomena. By analyzing auspicious-response paintings of the Yongzheng's reign and historical records related to auspicious phenomena, this article will explore how Yongzheng resorted to Western illusionistic techniques and to an excessive display of visual information on the paintings in order to fabricate his own version of reality.

KCI등재

저자 : 金漢雄 ( Kim¸ Han-ung )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 349-387 (39 pages)

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In order to have a better understanding of the history of the Qing dynasty, it is necessary to get a better picture of the historical function and the status of Tibetan Buddhism. Even though Qing made use of Tibetan Buddhism politically for its Tibetan and Mongolian relation, it is also a fact that the Qing imperial house including its emperors had their sincere religious faith in Tibetan Buddhism. Changkya Rölpédorjé (Lcang skya Rol pa'i rdo rje) is the very person who can represent this multi-faceted aspect of Tibetan Buddhism in the history of the Qing dynasty. This paper attempts to understand the role of Tibetan Buddhism through tracking and analyzing the activities of Changkya Rölpédorjé based mainly on the contents of his Tibetan biographies.
First, Rol pa'i rdo rje was chosen as a new Changkya incarnation because of his non-affiliated status of ethnic identity to prevent Mongolian monopoly of the system. Afterwards, he was educated and raised as a person who epitomizes the level of development of Tibetan Buddhism in the capital area. Second, Changkya Rölpédorjé's activities related to the Dalai Lamas show that he was not a puppet-like figure orchestrated only by Qing but had his own voice and agenda for the benefit of the Geluk school of Tibetan Buddhism when necessary. Third, Changkya Rölpédorjé's religious and scholarly activities indicate that he always obliged the Qing government with high-level results which made Tibetan Buddhism as a part of the big machine of the Qing dynasty. In sum, Changkya Rölpédorjé was a symbol of coexistence of Qing and Tibet with his independent mind as well as his cooperative attitude towards Qing.

KCI등재

저자 : 주형준 ( Joo Hyung-joon )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2022 페이지 : pp. 389-425 (37 pages)

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The focus of this paper is to analyze causes that led to the Yuehaiguan(粵海關)'s delay in tax revenue settlement and the response of the Imperial Household Department(戶部). As the only foreign trade customs office during the period of the Canton System(廣東體制), the very existence of the Yuehaiguan was considered heterogeneous to the Queguan System. Not only was the recorded change in yearly tax revenue irregular, but also monthly tax revenue varied greatly due to the trade winds. However, the Imperial Household Department operated Yuehaiguan within the Queguan System which was a system optimized under the flat-rate principle(定額主義); as a result around 1747, the Yuehaiguan marked a series of deficits in its tax revenue settlements. And on the basis of these series of events, the Imperial Household Department fixed the accounting period of each Queguan to 12-month cycles.
Each Queguan's accounting period was 12 months by regulation, but an accounting settlement conducted each time a new head of the Queguan was instated resulted in varying accounting periods. The Imperial Household Department relied on the previous year's average tax revenue as the standard for evaluation, which was not suitable for a Yuehaiguan thats monthly tax revenue varied greatly; the differing accounting period by Queguan made it even more difficult to assess the consistency of each evaluation. However, in 1750, instead of acknowledging the difficulties and exceptions required by the Yuehaiguan, the Imperial Household Department responded by strengthening the integrity of the Queguan system by unifying the accounting period of all Queguan to 12 months, regardless of any replacements to its leading officials. However, this decision resulted in a completely unexpected outcome: the term of the fiscal year differed from the lunar calender year. While the lunar calendar was mostly a designated period of 12 months, in reality it included leap months, fiscal year was a designated period of the lunar calendar, it carried with it leap months, making resulting in a 13-month accounting cycle for the fiscal year as opposed to the goal of a 12-month cycle.
Since the accounting period of the Queguans was fixed at 12 months, each leap month was carried forward to the next fiscal year. Each Queguan's official's fiscal year was pulled forward a period of one month every leap month, but the Yuehaiguan did not adjust its tax settlement period to reflect these changes. In the end, the accumulation of the carried forward leap months combined with the Yuehaiguan's incomplete tax administration, resulted in a delay in the settling of tax revenue accounts. In 1778, recognizing the delay in settlement of accounts of Yuehaiguan, the Imperial Household Department responded by residing with Emperor Qianlong to once again change the accounting period to a term of 6 months. However, Qianlong's response was not so positive. Here, the Imperial Household Department reapplied the strategic approach taken in 1764. By converting the problem of delayed tax revenue settlements into an issue of tax deficits, they succeeded in inducing a change with the Emperor.
The incomplete settlement of tax revenues by the Yuehaiguan seems to have been closely related to the 'right to operate tariffs' derived from the proxy tax structure. Of course, the right to operate tariffs was not an officially recognized authority, but it was possible for the Hong merchants in charge of Yuehaiguan's customs administrations to use the collected tariffs as cash business funds until the accounting was settled. In fact, it was tantamount to holding the right to operate tariffs, a stable and large sum of currency considering the financial environment, that in turn played an important role in securing cash liquidity.
However, due to the shortening of the settlement period, the availability of tariffs for the Hong merchants as business funds was reduced from 12 to 18 months to 6 months, seemingly a factor of the increase in costs resulting from the negative impact to cash liquidity. The fact that many of these Hong merchant's declare bankruptcy after these changes are imposed reflect the close ties between the adjustment in Yuegiaugna tax settlement period and the reduction of the customs office operation period. This also shows the reasoning behind the attempted extension of the settlement period from 6 to 9 months by Lee hu(李湖) of the Governor of Guangdong Province, despite heavy political risk.
Due to the trade winds, active trade in Canton was limited to a six-month period, followed by a six-month non-trade, off-season. The Canton system, where time and space is deemed precious, Hong merchants were required to secure all products during the off-season for the next active trade season, an objective which required large cash liquidity. This vicious cycle required 6-months to procure all items, and another 3-months to generate cash and prepare customs administrations, hence the importance of the settlement period extending from 6 to 9 months.
In conclusion, the Imperial Household Department was very clear on its position on trade in Canton and the uniqueness of the Yuehaiguan. The Imperial Household Department recognized the proxy tax structure of the Yuehaiguan in terms of “adapting to local conditions(因地制宜)”, but failed to recognize any exceptions that deviated from the administrative taxation processes prescribed by each Queguan. The policy direction of the Imperial Household Department has been consistently since the establishment of the Canton System; In terms of finances, this stance only seems to grow stronger proportionate to the importance placed on the Yuehiaguan. Contrary to our understanding so far, instead of standing out as the only foreign trade customs in Qing period, Yuehaiguan has rather strengthened its centripetal power as the Queguan System and moved toward enhancing its homogeneity with trade customs.

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