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The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches

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133권0호(2021) |수록논문 수 : 6
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1진(秦)ㆍ한률(漢律)의 내형(耐刑)과 사구(司寇)

저자 : 林炳德 ( Lim¸ Beong Duk )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 134권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 1-32 (32 pages)

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In this paper, there was an attempt to analyze Nai耐 shown in Qin and Han's legal, which was basically to judge Nai耐 as Nai Wei Si Ku耐爲司寇 or Na Yi Li Chen Qie耐爲隷臣妾 by comparing the punishment regulations of Nai Wei Li Chen Qie耐爲隷臣妾 and Si Kou's case. Qin and Han's regulations on punishment are almost clear, and it is questionable whether only Nai耐 can know whether Nai Yi Si Kou耐爲司寇 or Nai Wei Li Chen Qie耐 爲隷臣妾 only through such a difficult interpretation process. I tried to set a new standard in this paper, the viewpoint that there were clear and simple standards that anyone could easily grasp at the time. The punishment provisions of Qin and Han's legal are very clearly stipulated almost unquestionably, and only Nai耐 must go through such an intricate interpretation process. From the point of view that there was a clear and simple standard that could be easily grasped by any official at that time.
Through the case of punishment for Nai Wei Li Chen Qie耐爲 隷臣妾, I emphasized that the grounds for punishment for Nai Wei Li Chen Qie耐爲隷臣妾 were theft, beating, prisoners of war, injury, inheritance, and desertion, and that at least there were no cases of punishment for misconduct related to the public. Perhaps the crime is Nai Wei Li Chen Qie耐爲隷臣妾, and if the punishment related to the public official, especially the punishment for management related to management, Nai耐 is likely to be Nai Wei Si Ku耐爲司寇. In other words, Nai Wei Si Kou耐爲司寇 was considered to have different types and targets of punishment as punishment for general crimes other than Nai Wei Li Chen Qie耐爲隷臣妾.
In addition, this paper attempted a new interpretation of the characteristics of Si Kou司寇 and Zuo Ru Si Kou作如司寇, which had been controversial for a long time, through examples of simple reading documents excavated. In this paper, it was emphasized that if Si Kou is divided into male and Zuo Ru Si Kou作如司寇 is interpreted as female, the relevant sentences of The Legal Text of Year 2二年律令 and Han Shu Xing Fa Zhi漢書刑法志 are contradictory. Based on The Legal Text of Year 2二 年律令 and The Bamboo Slips of the Qin Dynamic Collected in Yuelu Academy岳麓秦簡, if I look at Zuo Ru Si Kou作如司寇, this is correspond to Cheng Dan Si Ko城旦司寇 and Chong Si Ku舂司寇 and Cheng Dan Chung Si Ku城旦舂司寇.

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2후한(後漢) 말(末) 원소(袁紹) 세력(勢力)의 내부분열(內部分裂)과 패망(敗亡)

저자 : 丁海仁

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 134권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 33-64 (32 pages)

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袁紹是後漢末形成最大勢力的軍閥, 所以三國時期軍閥研究中, 袁紹勢力的敗亡原因是袁紹研究的主要主題. 對於敗亡原因之一的內部紛爭, 過去的研究大體上以矛盾關係人物的出身地為重點, 認為是以贛州系和河南(黃河以南)系爲中心的地域對立. 但僅從地域對立的角度, 並不能解釋全部, 爲了尋找不同於過去研究傾向的原因, 我們根據史料記載的人物發言, 研究了袁紹勢力的形成過程和策士們的對立構圖.
袁紹勢力的政治集團由元從派和起用派組成, 元從派是袁紹舉兵之前就開始跟隨袁紹的來自黃河以南的集團, 起用派是佔領冀州之後加入袁紹勢力, 在擴張勢力的過程中活躍的集團. 元從派為了克服相比於起用派欠缺的能力和根基, 提出了以袁紹勢力替代漢朝的名分, 並拉攏同意這一主張的部分起用派加入其中形成了誘紹派, 並遊說袁紹獲得了信任. 相反, 不同意這一主張, 認定漢朝名分價值的閼紹派, 想要遏制袁紹和誘紹派的衝動、激進的戰略和步伐. 但是, 袁紹和誘紹派通過持續的誹謗和縮小權限, 將閼紹派擠出了政治舞台, 對其實施單方面的鎮壓, 直到官渡之戰結束.
但由於官渡之戰的慘敗, 閼紹派消亡, 曾是官渡之戰時的戰略和戰術立案中心的誘紹派面臨了戰敗責任的問題, 有過錯的一部分誘紹派失去了權力.失權的誘紹派在袁紹死後, 利用長子繼承之名擁立了袁潭, 試圖作為功臣奪權. 結果, 袁紹勢力徹底分裂為袁尙派和袁潭派.
可見, 袁紹勢力的內部紛爭並不是以地域對立這一單一的形態延續下來,而是呈現出兩種不同的對立形態, 並且由對立關係的集團重組並變化. 但是,表面上的爭論點和對立集團的形態雖然有所變化, 但無能的政治集團以名分為藉口的保身和掌權的企圖在兩種對立格局中均可見, 這可以看作是內部分裂和敗亡的根本性原因.

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3당(唐) 후기(後期) 선무절도사(宣武節度使) 유전량(劉全諒)의 출자와 활동

저자 : 鄭炳俊

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 134권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 65-88 (24 pages)

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本文在對遼西平盧軍的分散與他們履行曆史角色的考察過程中, 了解劉全諒的活動. 安史之亂中天寶5載(756)4月, 平盧遊奕使劉正臣與李忠臣等一起掌握藩鎮後, 向朝廷投降被任命爲平盧節度使. 雖然劉正臣在反亂中戰歿, 但可以看到其兒子劉全諒跟隨李忠臣南下中原之事.
德宗建中2年(781)正月以後, 劉全諒成爲宣武藩鎮的牙將, 接著在事發的四王二帝之亂中立下許多戰功, 成爲都知兵馬使. 貞元8年(792)2月以後, 在宣武發生多次軍亂, 這是因爲安史之亂以來醞釀反逆傾向的平盧軍等進入了宣武. 在這種情況下, 劉全諒在貞元15年(799)2月升爲宣武節度使.
同年(799)8月淮西節度使吳少誠攻打陳許藩鎮時, 與劉全諒協商決定一起占領陳許後分配. 劉全諒之所以采取這樣反逆的行動, 可以認爲是與宣武內部的平盧軍出身的軍人們意氣相投的緣故.

KCI등재

4전(前),후촉시기(後蜀時期) 도성(都城) 성도(成都)와 국가의례(國家儀禮) -도성사에 있어서 의례도시적 전통의 계승과 변용을 중심으로

저자 : 金相範

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 134권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 89-136 (48 pages)

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這篇論文, 以前丶後蜀政權的都城成都爲中心, 探討都城史上'禮儀城市'傳統的繼承與變化. 首先考察了成都發展爲一國都城的趨勢以及具備禮儀空間的過程. 成都城市史的巨大變化發生於876年高騈就任西川節度使之後. 高騈推行了大規模的羅城及城壕工程, 而成都具備了牙城丶子成丶外城的三重城的結構, 並加強了防禦功能. 第二次變化發生於前後蜀時代. 爲了具備皇帝都城的威嚴, 前蜀王建以大唐長安的皇城爲典範, 增修殿閣, 提高名號了. 值得矚目的是體現禮儀城市的特性, 建立了主要禮儀設施. 先設定了正殿會同殿連結於南郊圜丘壇的中軸線, 並以中軸線上的南北禦街爲准, 營造成左祖右社的禮儀空間. 如此, 成都共有皇帝居所宮殿與祭祀天地丶宗廟丶社稷等壇廟, 而正式具備了禮儀城市的規模. 爲了加強政權的正當性, 並解決現實政治的需求, 前丶後蜀政權在成都經常舉行了郊祀丶宗廟丶釋奠等傳統國家典禮. 值得注目的是蜀地本身, 地域意識頗爲鞏固, 而從外進入樹立政權的前丶後蜀, 獲得當地豪族和老百姓的支持, 專心尊重和收容禮儀和信仰所包含的地域性歷史意識. 因此, 屬於中祀的先代帝王丶賢臣丶名山大川等一些國家禮儀, 明顯顯示出區域化的傾向, 劉備和諸葛亮祭祀就是最主要的例證. 總之, 十國時期都城成都的案例看, 雖然都城仍然維持著禮儀城市的傳統性格, 而區域和民間因素的介入, 禮儀城市的傳統裏面已始發生變化.

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5청대(淸代) 유배범(流配犯)의 실상(實相)과 지방(地方)의 관리책(管理策) -사천성(四川省) 파현(巴縣)의 사례를 중심으로-

저자 : 김한밝 ( Kim¸ Hanbark )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 134권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 137-170 (34 pages)

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For a long time in Chinese history, controlling the floating population was a task undertaken to guarantee the flow of tax revenues, secure the labor force, and control the populace. However, unlike controlling the floating population, there was a type of exile with the combined aim of punishing criminals and reinforcing the frontier. However, exiles during the Qing era were not forced to perform labor, nor were they excluded from the general public. Therefore, from the government's perspective, the exiles were pitiful subjects who lived painful days away from their hometowns, and were simultaneously potential offenders who could commit crimes again.
The 18th century was a time when military exiles' place was fixed in general counties and the problem of managing them in the local areas emerged. Examining local officials' comments about exiles at that time, it can be seen that there was concern that criminals could escape from the place of exile or engage in crime. At the root of this was the idea that “the exile is a person who has committed a felony and has a bad nature” and “the exile causes trouble due to hardships in life.” The two are not unrelated, but they led to different solutions, heavy punishment for recidivism or escape and livelihood assistance for exiles. However, in either way, the premise was to maintain the then existing punishment system. Unless it was fundamentally reformed, it was inevitable that exiles would accumulate in local areas; however, the central government ignored the side effects of managing exiles, or could not reform it, and delegated it to the provinces.
From the standpoint of officials who needed to manage exiles, they were those that the emperor had spared from death, so they could not be left alone to die. At the same time, escape and recidivism by exiles were directly linked to the fact that they were disciplined to not manage exiles. Under these circumstances, officials had to take measures to control them to avoid punishment, and sometimes left that management to long-standing exiles. Although there is no historical material that explains why, it is thought that long-standing exiles were less likely to go against the instructions of the government than others and would not bother the general public if problems occurred.
The cases in the Ba County Archives show the conditions of exiles―their livelihood, poverty, and sometimes, escape. Under these circumstances, local officials took measures to stabilize their rule and ensure that exiles did not avoid punishment, and thus sometimes left the duty of managing criminals to long-standing exiles. Unless the old punishment system was fundamentally reformed, exiles would inevitably accumulate in local areas; however, the central government did not reform the system, and instead delegated it to each province.

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6장덕이(張德彛)의 『술기(述奇)』에 나타난 근대 서양의 도시 위생

저자 : 金慶惠 ( Kim Kyeonghye )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 134권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 171-205 (35 pages)

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This paper will be dealing with the introduction and perception of modern Western cities in the 『述奇』in late Qing Dynasty. After visiting Europe as a member of the Binchun(斌椿) Mission in 1866, he traveled abroad a total of eight times. Zhang Deyi, as a graduate of Tongwenguan, was proficient in foreign languages, so he was able to experience Western culture more sensitively than anyone else. In particular, he was shocked that Western cities have wide, tidy, flat roads, making them easier to move and safer. It was a hygienic place where public toilets did not smell, but also a place where green forests and parks could breathe clean air and rest. Zhang Deyi left detailed records in his own 『述奇』 about Western cities that were incomparably clean, hygienic than those of China at the time.
This paper will be dealing with how Zhang Deyi introduced Paris, which were considered the best cities in Europe, London, and New York. Zhang Deyi recognized that there was a qualitative difference between Western cities and Chinese cities. He argued that to solve China's poor urban hygiene problems, the state should establish specialized institutions and establish related systems.

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7청말(淸末) 악서북(鄂西北)지역 비밀결사의 요언(謠言) 유포와 교안(敎案)

저자 : 金賢善 ( Kim¸ Hyunsun )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 134권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 207-237 (31 pages)

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This paper aims to investigate the creation and spread of rumors and fake news through the Anti-Church Cases occurred in the mountainous region of Hubei Province. In addition, it deals with the control methods respectively adopted by central governments and local authorities during the times of outbreaks and disseminations.
The epidemic has broken out in the north area of Hubei province in the summer of 1892. At that moment, Chinese government didn't take any effective measures regarding proper medical assistance, active control and prevention. The epidemic seriously harmed people's lives and health, and people were extremely anxious psychologically. It was rumored that it was missionary of Catholicism who bribed people to poison the well water. The rumor spread rapidly, Catholicism became the target on which people vented their fears and anxiety. People burned and robbed the believer house and church in Xiangyang and Gucheng.
The secret society was the secret manipulator behind the Anti-Christian case. They were spreading rumors, burning and robbing the believer, to besieging the church, they were all active organizers and participants in the Gucheng·Xiangyang Anti-Christian case. The government was afraid of causing interference between China and foreign countries on one hand, and afraid of evoking mass uprising on the other hand. So, the government sought social stability by suppressing them, and tried to mediate with believers.

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8청일전쟁(淸日戰爭) 후 동유일기(東游日記)를 통해 본 일본사회(日本社會) - 수해양(水海洋) 분야를 중심으로

저자 : 曺世鉉 ( Cho¸ Se Hyun )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 134권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 239-288 (50 pages)

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While Qing was carrying out system reform during the end of the late Qing Dynasty (淸末新政), Japanese society had become a good example in various aspects such as central control, military, finance, jurisdiction, education etc. Many government officials of Qing Dynasty, scholars and persons in business circles moved to Japan and made an inspection competitively to learn experience of Japan. And many of them left a variety of inspection reports and travelogues. The Diary of the Journey to the East (東遊日記) which is a record of inspection of Japan is the record of Sino-Japan cultural exchange and historical material to read the process of the political reform and modernization of China. This paper classified and categorized the aforementioned as education, business and lawㆍadministration, examining marine civilization of Japanese society appeared in it.
In the Diary of the Journey to the East, contents of education field are believed to contain the majority out of the whole quantity. Of the contents, maritime schools like Merchant Marine Academy and Fisheries Academy were included. Merchant Marine Academy aimed to cultivate shipping personnel basically, but was used as a school for training Chinese navy manpower. Fisheries Academy was considered a place where characteristics of Japan, island country were very well shown and Japan certainly believed that it was a world-class school. As for the business circles of Japan such as agricultureㆍindustryㆍcommerce inspected by the merchants of the Late Qing Dynasty, there is an unusually large number of mentions about technical and vocational education, which brought about rise in technical and vocational education to China afterward. Interest in new industries like maritime and fisheries can be found without difficulties. They paid attention to the Japanese Government's encouragement of shipping industry, development of harbor construction and shipbuilding industry as well as to the importance of fishing industry. Chinese visitors also showed a keen interest in the field of lawㆍadministration under the centralism of Japan, which was closely associated with political situation of the Qing Dynasty in those days. Meanwhile, Diary of the Journey to the East was littered with fragmentary records of marine culture of Japanese society.

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9전래와 개사 : 청말민초 워싱턴 서사의 기초적 탐색

저자 : 왕건화 ( Wang Jianhua )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 134권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 289-316 (28 pages)

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본 연구는 청나라 말기에서 중화민국 초년의 간행물 및 초등학교 교과서를 기본 사료로 하여, 미국 국부 조지 워싱턴(George Washington)의 중국 내에서의 유포와 서사(敍事)의 변화를 통시적으로 고찰하여, 근대 중국인들의 국가, 개인에 대한 이상적인 변천을 단적으로 밝히고자 하였다.
1830년대 워싱턴의 스토리는 서양 선교사들의 소개로 중국에 들어왔다. 워싱턴의 앵두나무 베기라는 허구의 이야기는 청나라 말기 초등학교 교과서의 전파를 타고 워싱턴의 장대한 도덕적 성인의 이미지를 중국인의 마음속에 더욱 고착화시켰다. 그러나 중화민국 초년이 되면서 교과서는 워싱턴을 미국 민주제도의 화신에 비유하기 시작했다. 워싱턴의 '정치적 기호화'는 중국인들로 하여금 중국의 '워싱턴'을 찾게 하였다. 그러나 중국에서 민주제도가 좌절되자 민중들의 국가에 대한 기대가 낮아졌고, 워싱턴의 개인적 품성과 중국 본토의 도덕관과의 연관성에 다시 주목해 그를 '신(新)국민' 육성의 잣대로 삼았다. 이런 경향은 중화민국 교과서에서 '민주적 대변자'인 워싱턴의 정치 이미지와는 흥미로운 편차를 보였다.


This article uses the publications of the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China and elementary school textbooks as basic historical materials. diachronic investigation of the spread of American founding father George Washington and his narrative changes in China is aimed at revealing the changes of modern Chinese people's ideals and visions for the country and the individual from one aspect.
In the 1830s, Washington's deeds were introduced to China through the introduction of Western missionaries. The so-called fictional story of Washington's "cutting down of cherry trees", spread through elementary school textbooks in the late Qing Dynasty, has further consolidated Washington's image as a stalwart moral saint in the minds of the Chinese people. However, in the early years of the Republic of China, textbooks began to compare Washington to the incarnation of American democracy. The "political symbolization" of Washington has made the Chinese begin to look for China's "Washington." However, due to the frustration of the democratic system in China, the people lowered their expectations of the country and turned to re-focus on Washington's personal qualities and its connection with China's local ethics, using it as a benchmark for cultivating "new citizens." This tendency toward the political image of Washington as a "democracy spokesperson" in the textbooks of the Republic of China produced an intriguing deviation.

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10문화대혁명(文化大革命) 시기 광서(廣西) 무선현(武宣縣)의 파벌투쟁과 식인(食人)

저자 : 구소영 ( Ku¸ Soyoung )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 134권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 317-355 (39 pages)

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In this article, I explored that the political causes of cannibalism in Wuxuan, Guangxi, China between spring and summer 1968. Wuxuan's cannibalism was not just the result of the decisions of some leaders in the center of the Chinese Communist Party or intermediate leaders of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region. In addition, it cannot be seen only by the decision of the perpetrators, such as cadres of Wuxuan County and each district, and members of 'the Alliance Command'. It should be understood as a result of the interaction between the central and autonomous districts, prefectures, and districts on the literary situation of Guangxi Autonomous Region at the time.
The center of China stimulated slaughter and cannibalism by defining the forces that denied the Revolutionary Committee as "enemies" of the counter-revolution and justifying attacks on them. In addition, the leaders of Preparation Group of the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Revolutionary Committee and Armed Forces Department attempted to achieve important ideological or political purposes by inducing many people to participate in attacks against those perceived as "class enemies" by stigmatizing political rivals by fabricating the "Anti-Communist National Salvation Army in Guangxi". In the meantime, the perpetrators of Wuxuan devised slaughter and cannibalism as the final solution that was very effective in preventive suppression of the current entire social group or members.
Therefore, the strategic goals of the leaders of the central and Guangxi autonomous districts of China and the situational pressure of Wuxuan County interacted, acting as a strong motive for Wuxuan cannibalism in 1968.

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The laws of the Tang Dynasty had lost their original function after the An Shi Rebellion, and Song Dynasty was compiled when it was sent out. In addition to the existing laws, new laws have been added to this Songxingtong. These provisions were added between the late Tang Dynasty and the early Song Dynasty.
The Songxingtong's legal system added new content consisting of 209 provisions. In addition, the newly added provisions were focused on the general theory of criminal law, the theft law, and the enforcement law.
Among them, the general theory of criminal law (Minglilü) in the Songxingtong consisted of 10 provisions. In addition, the period at which the additional provisions were legislated was from the late Tang Dynasty until the fifth year of Emperor Xiande of Northern Zhou. These points reflect the changes in the form of laws and provisions since the late Tang Dynasty.
On the other hand, some of the additional clauses had the common characteristic of starting with a sentence “Servants say that”, and in some cases the clause “Servants say this with deliberation” was included in the beginning and middle of the sentence. The additional provisions attached to the general opinion of the Criminal Law were particularly focused on areas related to family, property, trial, and punishment. This suggests that during the late Tang Dynasty and North Song Dynasty was more interested in civil litigation than in matters related to imperial power.

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217~18세기 준가르제국(帝國)과 호이드 - 호이드 귀족 가문의 위상 변화를 중심으로 -

저자 : 沈昊成 ( Shim Hosung )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 133권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 37-73 (37 pages)

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This article examines the history of the Khoid aristocracy during the period of the Zunghar Empire (1676-1755). In Galdan's reign, most of the Khoid aristocracy rejected the rule of the Zunghar Empire. In several cases, Khoid nobles allied with Khoshuud princes to resist the Zunghar hegemony on the Central Asian steppe. Soon after Tsewang Rabdan initiated his struggle against Galdan in an attempt to ascend the throne of the Zunghar Empire, the Khoid aristocracy submitted to the Zunghar state under Tsewang Rabdan's rule, providing him with substantial military support. Since Tsewang Rabdan's army was then considerably outnumbered by Galdan's, the incorporation of the Khoids to Tsewang Rabdan's side significantly contributed to Tsewang Rabdan's victory over Galdan. During the Zunghar civil war, the Khoids served as one of the earliest and most crucial allies of Tsewang Rabdan. Thus, after Tsewang Rabdan established himself as the sole sovereign of the Zunghar Empire, the Khoid nobility witnessed a drastic rise in its socio-political status. For example, Khoid princes continuously served as principal marriage partners of the Zunghar royal family from the early 1720s. Moreover, numerous sub-branches of the Khoid aristocracy possessed their appanages in at least four different regional units of the Zunghar territory. Despite this elevated socio-political standing, the Khoid aristocracy remained under the strict control of the Zunghar supreme ruler. In sum, the Khoid aristocracy enhanced its status by adapting itself to the momentous political transition, in which the centralized Zunghar imperial system replaced the decentralized Four Oirad Confederation.

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3중국 전통법률 문헌 속 소유권 제도에 대한 연구 ――『대청률례(大清律例)』 제24조를 사례로

저자 : 왕잔동 ( Wang Zhandong )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 133권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 75-107 (33 pages)

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『大清律例』 제24조는 범죄 행위와 관련된 재산의 처분 제도를 전문적으로 구축함과 동시에 소유권에 관한 풍부한 법률 규범도 담고 있다. 본 조항은 소유권의 이념을 명확하게 반영하였으며, 이를 토대로 소유권의 효력범위, 이용권, 소유권의 이전, 공유 등의 내용을 포괄하는 규범 집합을 형성하였다. 그러나 사회배경, 주류 사상, 법률전통의 영향으로 중국 전통법률의 소유권 제도에는 4가지 뚜렷한 특징이 나타난 것을 지적할 수 있다. 즉 소유의 법적 규범이 체계적이지 않고, 소유권 제도가 명확하지 않다. 다음으로 소유권에 대한 완전한 이론적 지원이 없다. 또한 통치를 보조하는 공구성이 두드러지게 나타난다. 그리고 소유권 제도는 전통적인 윤리의 영향을 받는다.

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4청대 “욕설(罵詈)” 법률 규범 연구

저자 : 장쉐자오 ( Zhang Xuejiao )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 133권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 109-133 (25 pages)

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전통적인 법률에는 단순한 욕설 행위도 범죄로 규정하는 독특한 죄명인 '욕설죄'가 있다. 현대 법률에도 비방죄, 모욕죄 등 '욕설'과 관련된 범죄가 있다. 차이점은 전통적인 욕설죄는 행위가 공공연히 진행되는 것을 요구하지 않고 심지어 행위의 심각성 기준을 엄격히 규정하지는 않지만, 범죄 대상에 따라 처벌 수위를 구분하고 최고형은 사형에 이를 수 있다는 것이다.
전통적인 욕설 범죄는 진한 시기에 기원하여 수천년의 발전을 거쳐 명나라 시대에 정식적으로 확립되었고, 청나라 시대에 최종적인 체계를 형성했다. 논문은 먼저 욕설 조문의 역사적 변화를 정리한 다음에 청나라 시기 '욕설죄'의 내용과 그 특징을 분석하였다. 마침내 논문은 청나라 때 욕설죄의 법률 규범을 고찰하였다.

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5심가본(沈家本)의 헌법 사상에 대한 약술

저자 : 다이젠펑 ( Dai Jianfeng )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 133권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 135-159 (25 pages)

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1980년대부터 현재에 이르기까지 沈家本의 사상에 대한 학문적 연구는 일반적으로 법률 사상에서 제도적 문화, 법률 교육 및 법률 연구 방법에 이르기까지 다차원적인 진전을 보여 왔다. 헌법사상의 개괄에 대해서는 아직 논의의 여지가 많다. 沈家本은 중국과 서양의 법 이론과 법치의 실천을 이해하였으며, 이는 모두 그의 헌법 사상에 녹아있다.
沈家本의 헌법 사상은 각각 분권화를 수단으로, 법치와 사법 독립을 핵심으로, 민족 부흥과 민권 보호를 목적으로 하는 종합적인 사상 체계이다. 구법을 개정하는 한편 신법을 제정하고 사법부를 개혁하는 등 제도를 정비하고 인재를 양성하여 중국법 근대화의 서곡을 여는 기회로 삼았다. 헌법사상과 그 실현은 현대의 법치 개혁을 위한 중요한 준거로서의 가치를 지니고 있다. 사회 변혁을 위한 법적 기반을 마련하고, 제도 개혁과 인재 양성을 강화하는 한편, 국가 권력 배분에 대한 종합적인 연구를 추진하여 국가 부흥과 인민의 권리 보호의 취지를 견지함으로써 꾸준히 사회 발전을 이룩하여야 한다.

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6근대 중국의 우생학적 가족 개혁의 구상 -반광단(潘光旦)의 『중국지가정문제(中國之家庭問題)』를 중심으로-

저자 : 兪蓮實 ( Yu Yon-sil )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 133권 0호 발행 연도 : 2021 페이지 : pp. 161-231 (71 pages)

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Pan Guangdan defined family as the basic unit of society and biology. However, he paid more attention to the biological function and value of family, and regarded family as the origin and biological community of blood. Therefore, Pan Guangdan asked young men and women before marriage to choose an excellent spouse, carefully organize a family and produce excellent children, so as to seek the evolution and development of race. He believes that family is the medium to regulate the individual and society, and also the unit to constitute the nation, so he improved the family lineage through eugenics and pursued the improvement of national quality.
Pan Guangdan took Western eugenics as his theoretical weapon and pursued eclectic family reform. In order to achieve a compromise family system, he put forward the following reform direction. First, cohabitation by lineal blood of more than three gene rations composed of parents, couples and unmarried children is not allowed. Second, we should encourage families with excellent heredity and intelligence to match each other or to engage in similar marriages. Third, we should attach importance to women's role as good wives and good mothers. The responsibility of family management and children's maintenance should be shifted to mothers. Only women with weak motherhood are allowed to operate economic independence and social undertakings outside. Fourth, early marriage has a good effect on ethnic health. Women should get married around the age of 20, while men should get married around the age of 25. In this way, early marriage will lead to fertility prosperity. Fifth, the purpose of marriage and the standard of marriage choice should not pursue love and romantic life. Pan Guangdan warned that in a society that attaches importance to romantic life, the combination of men and women's promiscuous love is flourishing day by day, and the marriage is easy to dissolve as a result of the fear of family and childbirth. Sixth, China does not need to implement birth control, but if we want to implement it, we need to set standards for birth selection. The standard is family heredity and intelligence test.
In this way, under the impact of western culture, Pan Guangdan, in order to maintain Chinese Confucian culture and the tradition of big family system, used eugenics, a Western knowledge, to pursue a compromise between the old and the new, between the West and China, and his value orientation has always been the protection of tradition or Chinese culture. Therefore, Pan Guangdan, through a compromise family system, was eager to maintain the lineage of the aristocracy and breed their "excellent" lineage and inheritance. He warned that the reproduction of "incompetent" or "genetically" defective elements would lead to the degradation of the nation, and tried to ban their marriage and reproduction. As a result, biological differences become social classes. That is to say, he believes that with the development of biological genetics, social status will change, so he opposes the marriage and childbirth of bad genetic elements. From this point of view, he supports social classicism. He also believes that the race is a biological lineage community, so it is necessary to sacrifice individual happiness and desire for the improvement of national lineage. He thoroughly refuted the individualism and liberalism advocated by the intellectuals of the May 4th Movement and returned the individual to the embrace of the family and the nation. In short, in order to create a "good" race, he carried out a compromise family reform, reorganized the family as a national unit, and completely wiped out the individual. Therefore, we should clearly understand the boundaries of Pan Guangdan's compromise family reform: Classicism, anti-individualism and anti-feminism, and re-examine the fictionality of his pursuit of national improvement.

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학림
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대구사학
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