서기전 2세기 말기부터 낙랑지역에서 새로운 묘제인 목곽묘가 등장하여 서기전 1세기에 낙랑군 각지에서 대량 보급이 시작되었다. 낙랑군 군현제도의 공고화, 관리 체계의 완성, 변 군과 중원 내지 관계의 강화에 따라 한식 관곽제도가 낙랑군에 도입되었다. 낙랑 목곽묘의 관곽제도는 4단계로 나누어 볼 수 있다. 낙랑 목곽묘 관곽제도의 변천 과정은 제1기 수용기 → 제2기 발전기 → 제3기 僭越기 → 제４기 혼란기로 구분할 수 있다. 낙랑 전실묘가 제4기 혼란기에 등장하였던 점은 이러한 변천이 동북아시아의 정치 상황의 변동과 그에 따르는 한문화의 수입 및 그 요건 등과 큰 관련이 있었던 때문이라 판단된다. 다만 낙랑 목곽묘와 관련 지역인 요서ㆍ요동군과 廣陵國의 관곽제도와 비교해 보면 낙랑지역의 관곽제도는 요서ㆍ요동군과 광릉국의 관곽제도처럼 전국 말기의 관곽제도 전통을 계승하는 현상이 보이지 않는다. 이는 자료의 한정성 때문일 수 있다. 그리고 낙랑 목곽묘 3기부터 관곽제도를 참월했을 뿐 아니라 관곽 중첩수도 중원지역과 차이가 있었다. 중원지역의 관곽 양식에서 곽의 중첩수가 보통 2중을 넘지 않지만, 낙랑 목곽묘의 곽은 4중 곽까지 나타났으며, 이는 중원지역에서는 보이지 않는다. 관의 사용에서도 낙랑지역은 중원지역과 달리 1중 관이 대부분이고 예외적으로 2중 관이 사용되는 것에 비해 중원지역의 높은 등급인 목곽묘는 2중 관을 채용하는 것이 보편적이다. 이러한 형식은 낙랑지역의 특성으로 이해할 수 있다.

Wooden-chambered tombs existed in nangnang in the 2nd century BC and later Han system of inner and outer coffins passed into this region. This study mainly discusses the establishment and development process of the system in Nangnang period in the northwestern part of the Korean peninsula. Nangnang wooden-chambered tombs are divided into four phases according to typical artifacts in them. Examine layer patterns of the coffins in each period, and verify whether burial objects that can manifest the difference in identity reflect the difference in ranks. Wooden-chambered tombs of phase I present a layer pattern of one inner coffin and one outer coffin and chiefs of indigenous peoples may be their owners. Wooden-chambered tombs of phase II include a three-layer pattern of one inner coffin and two outer coffins or two inner coffins and one outer coffin, and a two-layer pattern of one inner coffin and one outer coffin. Through investigating the identity of the tomb owner and the funeral objects capable of manifesting differences in identity, we speculate that dependent officials of nangnang and other senior Aboriginal Chinese groups might use a three-layer pattern of one inner coffin and two outer coffins and a county magistrate or an officer in charge of affairs of indigenous peoples as well as dependant officers might use a two-layer pattern of one inner coffin and one outer coffin. The use of layer patterns of coffins is in accordance with hierarchy of Han Empire. Wooden-chambered tombs of phase III have a four-layer pattern of one inner coffin and three outer coffins, a three-layer pattern of one inner coffin and two outer coffins and a two-layer pattern of one inner coffin and one outer coffin. Through investigating the identity of the tomb owner and the funeral objects capable of manifesting differences in identity, we speculate that level-1 senior officers of a county used a four-layer pattern of one inner coffin and three outer coffins. Tomb owners of one inner coffin and two outer coffins and one outer coffin and one outer coffin are unknown. However, through investigating funeral objects capable of manifesting differences in identity, we argue that their owners had less distinguished identities than those of one inner coffin and three outer coffins, and the owners of one inner coffin and two outer coffins were nobler than those of one inner coffin and one outer coffin. The above show that the system of inner and outer coffins was established. However, the system of nangnang had broken away from the criterion of Han Empire and created a system of its own. Wooden-chambered tombs of phase IV present a five-layer pattern of one inner coffin and four outer coffins, a four-layer pattern of one inner coffin and three outer coffins, a three-layer pattern of one inner coffin and two outer coffins, and a two-layer pattern of one inner coffin and one outer coffin. Through investigating the identity of the tomb owner and the funeral objects capable of manifesting differences in identity, we know that the use of coffins had been out of rule to the extent that not only feudatory kings used five-layer patterns of coffins, but just feudatory kings of the Western Han Dynasty used Ticou(题凑). The grade of coffins and the rank of burial objects do not agree.