This paper proposes a semantics of the Korean NPI te isang ‘anymore’, which occurs in negative contexts. The NPI te isang is characterized, in Zwarts`s (1990) tem, as a strong NPI which requires an anti-additive function as its licensor. It is also noted that te isang is licensed by “implied negative predicates” such as silheha- ‘hate’ and phokiha- ‘give up’ only when it occurs within a clausal argument of the implied negative predicates. This fact is accounted for in terms of the function-agrument structure and the scope relation between the NPI te isang and the implied negative predicates involved. (Seoul National University)