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국방대학교 안보문제연구소> The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA)> Great powers relations and the changing regional order in East Asia: A liberal perspective

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Great powers relations and the changing regional order in East Asia: A liberal perspective

David Hundt
  • : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소
  • : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 24권2호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2019년 12월
  • : 43-60(18pages)

DOI


목차

Introduction: A liberal view of East Asian politics
Liberalism in the “history of ideas”
US leadership and its impermanence
Able allies
Summit diplomacy and the DPRK challenge
The pacifying effects of democracy?
Conclusion: Recommitting to the liberal order
References

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This article analyses great-power politics in East Asia from a liberal perspective. It begins by outlining the liberal tradition, which interprets international politics as a state system that offers opportunities and sets constraints on great powers and smaller ones alike. These insights are valuable considering the significant developments in the East Asian order in recent years, such as the waning commitment of the United States under Donald Trump to defend liberal values and the more assertive presence of China in the Xi Jinping era. Nonetheless, a defining feature of the past few years is that the region’s smaller states have resisted the notion of China becoming the leading state in East Asia and the Pacific. Smaller states such as Australia and the Republic of Korea have demonstrated their commitment to liberal values, and have exercised a degree of constraint on the region’s great powers. The region would welcome a recommitment of the US to the old liberal order, but this would also require a substantial reinvestment in the values underpinning that order, both domestically and internationally.

UCI(KEPA)

간행물정보

  • : 사회과학분야  > 정치/외교학
  • : KCI등재
  • :
  • : 반년간
  • : 1229-3601
  • :
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 1996-2019
  • : 304


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1Antiproliferation Policy as a Hindrance to Resolving Korea : Some Policy Proposals

저자 : John Mueller

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 5-19 (15 pages)

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Although alarmed antiproliferation efforts have proved to be exceedingly costly, leading to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people, the consequences of nuclear proliferation itself have been substantially benign: those who have acquired the weapons have “used” them simply to stoke their egos or to deter real or imagined threats.
It therefore doesn't really matter much whether North Korea has nuclear weapons or not. However, the obsession about proliferation potentially stands in the way of an extremely important development.
It is entirely possible (but not certain) that Korea is at a historic turning point: because North Korean leader Kim Jong-un seems to be genuine about wanting to see his country become developed, there is a good prospect of forging a potentially permanent normalization of relations on the peninsula. This would markedly reduce the prospect of armed conflict there while finally relieving the perpetual suffering of the North Korean people.
Accordingly, policy should involve backburnering the nuclear issue, actively exploring the possibilities for normalization, relaxing or removing the sanctions, letting South Korea take the lead, and waiting.

2Great Power Relations and East Asia: A Realist Perspective

저자 : Yuan-kang Wang

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 20-42 (23 pages)

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This article examines great power relations in East Asia from a realist perspective. By focusing on anarchy and the imperatives of power, realism anticipates states to pursue power until they have achieved regional hegemony; a rising state will develop power projection capabilities to protect their expanding interests abroad; an increasingly powerful state will develop a version of the Monroe Doctrine to keep extra-regional powers from meddling in its backyard; the reigning hegemon will take measures to contain the power of the rising competitor; and relatively weaker states will band together to balance the power of the stronger state. I argue that these realist predictions are being borne out in the context of US-China relations, the most consequential of great power relations in East Asia today. Since the US policy of engaging and accommodating China has not produced the intended outcomes, we are seeing indications that Washington is returning to the realist approach of great power politics.

3Great powers relations and the changing regional order in East Asia: A liberal perspective

저자 : David Hundt

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 43-60 (18 pages)

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초록보기

This article analyses great-power politics in East Asia from a liberal perspective. It begins by outlining the liberal tradition, which interprets international politics as a state system that offers opportunities and sets constraints on great powers and smaller ones alike. These insights are valuable considering the significant developments in the East Asian order in recent years, such as the waning commitment of the United States under Donald Trump to defend liberal values and the more assertive presence of China in the Xi Jinping era. Nonetheless, a defining feature of the past few years is that the region's smaller states have resisted the notion of China becoming the leading state in East Asia and the Pacific. Smaller states such as Australia and the Republic of Korea have demonstrated their commitment to liberal values, and have exercised a degree of constraint on the region's great powers. The region would welcome a recommitment of the US to the old liberal order, but this would also require a substantial reinvestment in the values underpinning that order, both domestically and internationally.

4Changes in US-China Relations and Korea's Strategy: Security Perspective

저자 : Won Gon Park

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 61-73 (13 pages)

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With the advent of the Trump administration, it is becoming more obvious that the U.S. will start, if it has not already, an all-fronts confrontation against China. Although the Obama administration had also tried to contain China vis-à-vis its 'Pivot to Asia' policy, it advocated (at least on the surface) to do it within the principles of 'Rule Based International Order' (RBIO). The Trump administration has not hidden its intention to totally subdue the 'Rise of China' by using all possible measures regardless of international norms and principles. On the other hand, with the leadership of Shi Xin Ping, China has introduced its dream to 'Return to Old Glory' and insists that it will never be humiliated. The Chinese 'Bridge and Road Initiative' has a rather clear objective to expand its sphere of influence at least in Asia. The U.S. 'Indo-Pacific Strategy' is meant to counter this Chinese initiative. In 2019, the U.S. Department of Defense and Department of State reports on Indo-Pacific strategy identified China as a 'revisionist power,' and made clear that the U.S. will balance against China with its alliance networks. Amid this confrontation, South Korea faces a more daunting challenge than other countries because of its geopolitics. As time goes by, Korea will feel growing pressure to take a side by both the U.S. and China. However, South Korea's strategic choices are limited. It must try to maintain amicable relationships with both countries because of North Korea's threat, reunification, and economic prosperity.

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Sino-North Korean relations were worse than ever during Xi Jinping's first term (2013-2017). Since 2012, when Kim Jung-un became the leader of North Korea, the country has held more intensive nuclear tests and missile launches. Xi Jinping was deeply disappointed and enraged at how North Korea did not consider Chinese interests by not consulting with the Chinese prior to the tests or offering an explanation after the fact. China did not oppose U.S.-led UN sanctions on North Korea, and in fact, it partially participated in the sanctions. However, the relationship evolved as China entered into Xi Jinping's second term in 2018. Through five summit meetings in the last 15 months, the two countries have established a new type of Sino-North Korean relations (xinxing zhongchao guanxi). Besides the already known 3 Principles on North Korea and 3 No Changes on North Korea, China is pursuing the new policies of New 3 Principles on the Korean Peninsula and 3 Pursuits for North Korea. Consequently, South Korea should take steps for its own sake in addition to its U.S. and North Korea policies with the goal of giving China the opportunity to play a more constructive role on the Korean Peninsula.

6Characterizing Japan's Current Diplomacy under Abe

저자 : Eunjung Lim

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 96-119 (24 pages)

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The growing rivalry between the United States and China and the strongman leadership are two of the major trends in international affairs. This article aims to analyze Japan's strategic calculations, particularly since the inauguration of President Donald Trump, and also to conceptualize characteristics of Japan's current diplomacy. The analytical focus is put on domestic and international factors the Abe administration has highly regarded. The second section explains how Abe came back to Prime Minister's office in December 2012, who politically supports Abe, and internal conditions that form what the Abe administration ultimately pursues. The third section analyzes three important conditions surrounding Japan and how the Japanese leadership interprets those dynamics to accomplish its ultimate goal. The fourth section provides theoretical debates and a conceptual understanding of Japan's current diplomacy. The analysis concludes that Japan's current diplomacy resembles Judo, a Japanese traditional martial art; Abe and Japan now seem to use the external conditions as opportunities to create logics to support the country's real reform, which is normalization of the Japanese state through amendment of Peace Constitution. Lastly, the article concludes that the current friction between South Korea and Japan is not desirable for the sake of regional stability, and it suggests that the two governments should find out an exit and create peace in the region together.

7Reform Strategies of Vietnam in the 1980s and 1990s and Lessons for DPRK's Economic Reform

저자 : Jiyoung Kim

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 120-143 (24 pages)

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This paper attempts to examine the strategies of economic reform in Vietnam, and underline limitations, including a lack of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and inefficient State Owned Enterprises (SOEs), on the process of the economic reform between the 1980s and 1990s. With China, Vietnam has been evaluated as a successful transition state since the late 1980s. The purpose of this paper is to gain lessons from the analysis of Vietnam's economic reform model in the early age. With the Six Plenum of the Fourth Party Congress in 1979, Vietnam prepared economic reforms, with the “Contract system” and “three-plan system” adopted to repair the post-war economy. Moreover, the success of the first reform stage, Doi Moi (renovation) contributed to structural transformations that occurred throughout the late 1980s. However, economic reform did not continue to work in the early 1990s, and Vietnam accelerated the speed of reform since the Asian financial crisis. Despite significant high annual growth rate, Vietnam is still one of the 40 poorest states. This paper argues that the primary limitations of the economic reform in Vietnam between the 1980s and 1990 are a lack of FDI and incomplete reform of SOEs. It concludes with encouragements for North Korea to focus on denuclearization and diplomatic normalization with the US.

8Geopolitical Motivations behind Russia's Active Engagement with North Korea

저자 : Sangtu Ko

발행기관 : 국방대학교 안보문제연구소 간행물 : The Korean Journal of Security Affairs (KJSA) 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 144-161 (18 pages)

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The North Korean nuclear issue has remained unresolved since North Korea declared its intention to withdraw from the Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1993. The international community has explored every avenue to resolve this issue, including economic incentives, dialogue, and sanctions. Nevertheless, North Korea seems determined not to give up its nuclear arsenal. In this situation, Russia often backs North Korea and represents its position. What are the drivers behind such actions? This paper explores the position and role of Russia in the North Korean nuclear issue. Russia pursues a great power status and mainly focuses on the former Soviet republics. Although North Korea does not fall within the post-Soviet space, a similar motivation must be at work behind Russia's foreign policy in both areas. This paper argues that geopolitical interests are necessary to explain Russia's North Korea policy and to identify what security and economic interests Russia expects to gain from North Korea.

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