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중앙아시아학회> 중앙아시아연구> 몽골 초원의 7~8세기 석상 연구 -시베트 울란 제사유적을 중심으로-

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몽골 초원의 7~8세기 석상 연구 -시베트 울란 제사유적을 중심으로-

Stone Statuaries of the Turks in the 7th and 8th centuries

박아림 ( Park Ah-rim )
  • : 중앙아시아학회
  • : 중앙아시아연구 24권2호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2019년 12월
  • : 33-58(26pages)

DOI


목차

Ⅰ. 머리말
Ⅱ. 시베트 울란 제사유적의 조사
Ⅲ. 시베트 울란 제사유적의 구조와 석상의 특징
Ⅳ. 맺음말

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초록 보기


						
The Shiveet Ulaan ritual complex and the stone statuary built at the time of the establishment of the second Turk empire from the second half of the 7th century has a significance as the beginning of the Turk style ritual complex. It has a feature both from the steppe and from China. Some features of the Shiveet Ulaan which are not seen in the ritual complexes of Bilge Khan, and Kul Tegin might show the sign of the natural Turk identity which would be discarded later as adopting the Chinese style sculptures. The sign of some more foreign nature like the lion sculpture might also be related to the Turk steppe identity.
The Bayannur Tomb and the Pugu Tomb also dated to the second half of the 7th century are important to consider the characteristics of the Shiveet Ulaan. The Shiveet Ulaan were built at the beginning of the second Turk empire by the Ashina family, and the two tombs were constructed during the Tang ruling period by the Pugu. They represent how the Ashina family and the Pugu tribe have different kind of burial custom and different kind of foreign elements they chose to accept.

UCI(KEPA)

간행물정보

  • : 사회과학분야  > 인문지리
  • : KCI등재
  • :
  • : 반년간
  • : 1738-0200
  • :
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 1996-2019
  • : 267


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1마라난타의 출신지와 축건, 간다라

저자 : 이주형 ( Rhi Juhyung )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 1-32 (32 pages)

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Over the last two decades the claim that the monk Maranan'ta (or Mālānanda), who transmitted Buddhism to Paekche, was originally from Gandhāra became widespread in both scholarly and Buddhist communities in Korea. It is also commonly known in Pakistan as a symbol of the long-standing cultural relationship between Korea and Pakistan in history. This article examines the evidence for this claim and attempts to clarify that it is unfortunately a sheer misconception. The literary evidence for Maranan'ta's origin in Gandhāra is allegedly found in the Haedong kosŭngjon 海東高僧傳 by Kakhun (1215). It states that Maranant'a came to China from Zhuqian 竺乾. Noting that the character zhu 竺 is part of a common appellation used for India in ancient China, Tianzhu 天竺, and that the character qian 乾 is the same one employed in a common Chinese transcription of the word Gandhāra, Qiantuoluo 乾陀羅, some scholars translated Zhuqian as “India or Gandhāra” or “Gandhāra of Tianzhu (India).” However, this is a downright mistake because Zhuqian means no other than India as a synonym of Tianzhu. It is clearly stated in Chinese Buddhist sources such as the Hongmingji 弘明集 (518) and the Zhenzhenglun 甄正論 (684-705). Especially, the Zhenzhenglun explains: “'Qian 乾' is 'tian 天' (heaven). Therefore, the two trigrams qian and kun 坤 symbolize heaven and earth in the Book of Changes. We can see here clearly that 'qian' means 'tian.' Later people, while copying, mistakenly placed the character zhu before the character qian.” The fact that Zhuqian is the same as Tianzhu in meaning is also confirmed in its usage in many other textual sources. Therefore, the Haedong kosŭngjon simply states that Maranant'a came from India, and the account has absolutely no reference to Gandhāra. In addition to the misreading of Zhuqian in the Haedong kosŭngjon, it has been suggested that the actual birthplace of Maranant'a is identified at a small town called Chota Lahor near Swabi in the Peshawar basin, ancient Gandhāra. Although the Korean scholar Min Hee Sik, who first claimed this attribution, alleges that the evidence is found in a French source, he has never been able to present it publicly. His small book From Gandhāra to Yonggwang published in 2001, probably the only work other than media reports that discusses this theory in publications, at least in a quasi-scholarly manner, amply shows that the assertion is most likely the creation of his sheer imagination. It is deplorable that the claim of Maranant'a's origin in Gandhāra has been virtually established with no questioning in most of scholarly works on Paekche Buddhism and enthusiastically received by the Buddhist community in Korea. I hope that the misunderstanding will soon be straightened out and the embarrassing occurrences concerning Maranant'a will no longer persist.

2몽골 초원의 7~8세기 석상 연구 -시베트 울란 제사유적을 중심으로-

저자 : 박아림 ( Park Ah-rim )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 33-58 (26 pages)

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초록보기

The Shiveet Ulaan ritual complex and the stone statuary built at the time of the establishment of the second Turk empire from the second half of the 7th century has a significance as the beginning of the Turk style ritual complex. It has a feature both from the steppe and from China. Some features of the Shiveet Ulaan which are not seen in the ritual complexes of Bilge Khan, and Kul Tegin might show the sign of the natural Turk identity which would be discarded later as adopting the Chinese style sculptures. The sign of some more foreign nature like the lion sculpture might also be related to the Turk steppe identity.
The Bayannur Tomb and the Pugu Tomb also dated to the second half of the 7th century are important to consider the characteristics of the Shiveet Ulaan. The Shiveet Ulaan were built at the beginning of the second Turk empire by the Ashina family, and the two tombs were constructed during the Tang ruling period by the Pugu. They represent how the Ashina family and the Pugu tribe have different kind of burial custom and different kind of foreign elements they chose to accept.

3몽골제국 초기 칙령제도(勅令制度)의 형성과 그 특징

저자 : 김석환 ( Kim Seokhwan )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 59-81 (23 pages)

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This study examines how the Mongols adopted and used the imperial decree institution, and its characteristics. Chinggis Khan unified the pastoral nomadic tribes of the Mongol Plain in 1206. Afterwards, the Mongol Empire rapidly expanded its territories, and it incorporated ethnically and culturally diverse people. The old traditional way to give orders was not sufficient to rule them efficiently. Therefore, Chinggis Khan introduced the imperial decree institution based on letters and documents, which were unfamiliar to the Mongols. Although it was originated from the sedentary culture, it became an important way for the Great Khan to wield his power and govern his state. Consequently, the Great Khan and the ruling group did not leave the management of the imperial decree institution absolutely in the hands of sedentary subjects, but they actively participated in it. 
Above all, the Great Khan selected the most appropriate script and language to write his edict to have his recipients understand it without errors. First, his original edicts were written in Uyghur-Mongolian script, and then, it was translated into recipients' scripts and languages. The original document and the translated one were usually both given to them. High ranking officials who enjoyed the Great Khan's confidence oversaw the whole translation procedure. They translated the original edict “word by word” into other languages, and they checked each sentence and the entire text repeatedly to avoid mistranslation. Afterwards, the Great Khan's seal was put to the final draft for its authenticity. Also, ulugh bitikchi, great scribe, used to countersign on it. The original edict or its copy was stored for future reference. When a new khan ascended the throne, he decided the validity of the previous khans' edicts. A new khan recognized them considering his personal and political relationship with previous khans, or they refused to accept them. 
The imperial decree institution was an essential way to run the Mongol Empire. Thus, the Great khan and his governing group paid particular attention to it. It is possible to find some influences by Uyghur, Chinese, and Islamic cultures, but it had never been changed on how to run and use it from the time of Chinggis Khan. To the Mongols, he was a symbolic person and he became a model to his descendants. Therefore, although it did not originate from the nomadic culture, we could define it as an 'imperial institution' of the Mongol Empire.

413~14세기 몽골과 고려의 부마들 -통혼의 정치적 의미와 고려왕권의 성격 재론-

저자 : 최윤정 ( Choi Yoon Jung )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 83-118 (36 pages)

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The 100-year history of the Military regime weakened Goryeo's royal authority. Choi's political power trampled on the king's authority and maintained the authority of the royal court to avoid the attack of his political opponents and to surpass the power of the king. Under the long war and oppression of the Mongols, the crown prince (King Won-jong) entered the Mongol Court. After the death of King Go-jong, in 1260 Won-jong took the throne with full support from Kubilai. However, he was demoted by Im-yeon in 1269 in an unstable symbiotic relationship with the Military regime, and was restored by Mongolian authority. 
However, This accident leads that Crown Prince (King Chungnyeol) asked Kubilai to marry the princess and thus become his son-in-law. The close relationship between Mongolia and Goryeo King actually began at this time. Becoming a son-in-law of the emperor means “the one who deserves to be king among the Dragon's Descendants.” As a result, the political history of the late Goryeo Dynasty developed into a political dispute between the emperor's sons-in-law. The reinstate (重祚) is the result of political wrangling among the 'King of Emperor's sons-in-law'. 
However, in terms of relations with Mongolia, marriage was the most important but not the only one. King Chungseon, who is a mixed-race prince, has a special “blood relationship” with the Mongolian royal family as the grandson of Kubilai in addition to his marriage. Having lost his throne due to his feud with the princess, King Chungseon formed a strong “background” (根脚) by helping Emperors Mujong (武宗) and Renjong (仁宗), thus overcoming the instability of the marriage and regaining the authority of Goryeo King. 
Having gained great power as king, King Chungseon stayed on the Dadu (大都) for a long time and practiced Remote control rule (遙領統治). But under constant pressure to return to Goryeo, King Chungseon nominated the king (Chungsuk) and the Crown prince (Wang Go) simultaneously in 1313. Furthermore, they married the princess in the same year in 1316. As a result, King Chungseon created two sons-in-law of the emperor, who deserves to be king among the Dragon's Descendants at the same time. 
Shim Wang (瀋王) Wang Go (王暠) was favored by King Chungseon and became a son-in-law of the Emperor through his marriage to the princess, so he was entitled to become a king among the Dragon's Descendants. Later, however, Wang Go lost his position as a Crown prince. To regain his right to succeed to the throne, he was forced to face King Chungsook. The princess of the Wang Go was much higher in stature than the princess of King Chungsuk. By participating in the imperial struggle within the empire that broke out after the death of Emperor (泰定帝) in 1328, Wang Go sought to form a another strong “background” like King Chungseon. But it eventually failed. 
Relationship which had been based on marriage, have collapsed as the growth of Empress Ki(奇)'s power, which threaten the Goryeo Dynasty, and the “breedy prince” of her child, sought the next throne. At this time, Goryeo King's authority expanded to the royal authority in response to the challenge of Ki's power, who threatened the Yuan empire. Now, among the Dragon's Descendants there is no need to be a son-in-law of the emperor in order to succeed to the Goryeo's throne. Instead, with the emphasis on legitimate and lineal relatives between the royal family, Wang Go was already regarded as the 'collateral line' who sought the throne at that time. 
King Gongmin lifted his pigtail and exotic costume in 1352, the following year after his ascension to the throne. In short, until King Chungnyeol wore pigtail and King Gongmin took it off, the Mongolian emperor was a political supporter of the Goryeo kingship. The marriage was the most important foundation in the relationship between Goryeo kings and Mongol. The breakdown of the marriage relationship has since brought about a major change in the relationship between the two Dynasties.

5실크로드 문화지도 DB 구축 성과와 전망

저자 : 정재훈 ( Jeong Jaehun ) , 김석환 ( Kim Seokhwan )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 24권 2호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 119-154 (36 pages)

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This paper is mainly concerned with the results, limits, and sharing methods of Building Databases for Mapping the Silk Road Culture. First, we built Text DB which contains cultural elements of main Silk Road cities as the type of XML(eXtensible Markup Language) documents. We used lots of available historical sources written in numerous languages. Also, we built a database for bibliographical notes of those sources. Second, we collected various historical names of main Silk Road cities and developed as a DB. Third, to produce digitalized cultural maps, it was needed to make Current Base Map containing present geographical and administrative information. Then, the project team worked on Historical Base Map that provides historical and spatial-temporal data. Furthermore, we produced Cultural Thematic Maps about religions, languages, foods, etc. Lastly, we are devising a method to share our research outputs through the web site.
This project was intended to build databases for mapping Silk Road culture. We believe those databases have high values and good possibilities by themselves. Although we faced lots of problems and errors working on this project, we focused on setting and providing framework for further research. With more studies and support, the goal to map the Silk Road culture could be achieved.

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