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한일민족문제학회> 한일민족문제연구> 한일어업협정의 체결에 따른 ‘평화선’의 소멸

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한일어업협정의 체결에 따른 ‘평화선’의 소멸

End of the ‘Peace Line’ by Conclusion of Fishery Agreement

최영호 ( Choi Young-ho )
  • : 한일민족문제학회
  • : 한일민족문제연구 37권0호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2019년 12월
  • : 37-65(29pages)

DOI


목차

Ⅰ. 머리말
Ⅱ. 6차 회담 중의 ‘평화선’ 종결 교섭
Ⅲ. 어업협정 대강에 대한 합의
Ⅳ. 하코네 회담에서 협정문 조정
Ⅴ. 맺음말

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This paper arranges on the basis of the published documents about fishery negotiations of Korea and Japan diplomats during normalization process clarifying what were the issues of the ‘peace line’ proclaimed unilaterally by Rhee Syngman government and how the line was dissipated in the process of establishment of fishery agreement in 1965. President Rhee declared abroad the ‘marine sovereignty’ in the Busan temporary government building on Jan. 18th, 1952. Subsequently he began to seize the Japanese fishing boats for the reason of invading the boundary under promulgation of an enforcement ordinance ‘capture and Judgement’ on Oct. 4th. According to the ordinance, capturing tribunal had the first judgement under the article 2 and high capturing tribunal had the second under the article 24 without verbal trial. Further more governmental draft of ‘fishery resources protection law’ as a follow-up measure passed the parliament on Dec. 1st, 1953. This paper remarks mainly on the result of the investigation about provision of fishery agreement as the final phase of sustentation of ‘peace line’ analyzing mainly the diplomatic negotiation documents for differentiation to the preceding researches. I utilize the documents of diplomatic negotiation between Korea and Japan for investigating the content of negotiations and I refer to the other researching results for expressing the structures of the line and agreement.
この論文は、‘李ライン’をめぐる韓国と日本の間の争点が何であったのか、1965年の国交正常化に伴う漁業協定の締結により、それがどのように消滅していったのかについて、主に韓国と日本で一般開示された会談資料に基づいて言及しようとするものである。李承晩政府は1952年1月18日、釜山の臨時政府庁舎で‘海洋主権’(大韓民国の隣接海洋の主権についての大統領宣言)を国内外に発表した。続いて‘海洋主権’の境界線を侵犯する外国(主に日本)の船舶を拿捕するために、同年10月4日には‘捕獲審判令’を緊急命令(大統領令)第12号として公布し、同日より施行に入った。この緊急命令は、第2条において捕獲審判所に一次審判を担当させ、高等捕獲審判所に二次審判を担当させるものであったが、高等捕獲審判所の第二審では書類審理のみで審判するように決めた。さらには‘海洋主権’の後続措置として政府側の漁業資源保護法法案が作成され、1953年12月1日に国会を通過しその日から施行されるようになった。この論文は、最後の段階である漁業協定の条文化作業に関する調査結果を主な内容とする。先行研究からみてこの論文の特徴といえば、漁業協定を条文化する最後の段階に限って、韓日会談資料をもって調査するものである。李ライン問題の構造についての説明のために既存の研究を参考にしながら、会談の内容にていてはできるだけ会談資料を活用しようとする。

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  • : KCI등재
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  • : 반년간
  • : 1598-8414
  • :
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2001-2019
  • : 314


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1해방 직후 재조일본인의 한미 이간 공작 음모

저자 : 이상호 ( Lee Sang-ho )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 37권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 5-35 (31 pages)

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The purpose of this study is to examine the perception of the situation of the Japanese Government General of Korea, the Japanese settlers in colonial Korea toward Japan defeat, and the intention of the conflict between South Korea and the US by the Japanese return group, especially the Japanese Relief Society, during the period of US military in South Korea.
The Japanese government decided that the sovereignty of the Korean peninsula remained in Japan until it ratified a peace treaty that would define Japan's postwar status, and informed the Japanese Government General of Korea on August 24 1945. The Japanese government retained the conventional view that Japan's sovereignty over colonial territories, including the Korean Peninsula, was not in the signing of the Potsdam Declaration to surrender to the Allies, but in a signing of a treaty with the Allies even after the defeat.
After the defeat, the Japanese Military Police and the Tokodai movement was very significant. They were planning to form a subterranean secret organization to distract South Korea's order, and to alienate between the US military and Koreans.
Another secret organization was under investigation by the US military intelligence agency in October 1945, when a clandestine group of former military policemen, who led the operation of the US-Korea separation after US occupation, was being caught by the US military's CIC. The object was the organization of Japanese Relief Society. These groups advocated private organizations aiming for the safe return of Japanese citizens, but they were formed with enormous financial support and support from the Japanese Government General of Korea and the Japanese Military Command in Korea.
In addition, the 'Kim Ke Cho incident' was revealed. Kim Ke Cho, a pro-Japanese leader sponsored by the Japanese Government General of Korea, was brought to trial after being caught by the US military in preparation for the work between Korea and the United States in connection with the Japanese Relief Society. In other words, this event can be evaluated as showing that the space of liberation was not free from the influence of Japanese imperialism, and thus the space of continuity is stronger than disconnection.

2한일어업협정의 체결에 따른 '평화선'의 소멸

저자 : 최영호 ( Choi Young-ho )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 37권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 37-65 (29 pages)

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This paper arranges on the basis of the published documents about fishery negotiations of Korea and Japan diplomats during normalization process clarifying what were the issues of the 'peace line' proclaimed unilaterally by Rhee Syngman government and how the line was dissipated in the process of establishment of fishery agreement in 1965. President Rhee declared abroad the 'marine sovereignty' in the Busan temporary government building on Jan. 18th, 1952. Subsequently he began to seize the Japanese fishing boats for the reason of invading the boundary under promulgation of an enforcement ordinance 'capture and Judgement' on Oct. 4th. According to the ordinance, capturing tribunal had the first judgement under the article 2 and high capturing tribunal had the second under the article 24 without verbal trial. Further more governmental draft of 'fishery resources protection law' as a follow-up measure passed the parliament on Dec. 1st, 1953. This paper remarks mainly on the result of the investigation about provision of fishery agreement as the final phase of sustentation of 'peace line' analyzing mainly the diplomatic negotiation documents for differentiation to the preceding researches. I utilize the documents of diplomatic negotiation between Korea and Japan for investigating the content of negotiations and I refer to the other researching results for expressing the structures of the line and agreement.

3히가시우에노(東上野) 친선마켓의 형성과 변용

저자 : 박미아 ( Park Mi-a )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 37권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 67-103 (37 pages)

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As a microcosm of the fierce postwar struggle for survival, the black markets connote various aspects. After liberation, the large scale of repatriation to Korea and serious unemployment had led to a major change of the life of Koreans in Japan. Ueno was one of the most crowded black market in Tokyo, Zainich Korean also gathered here for more profit and became significant power group in Ueno. However, conflicts continued steadily due to disputes over interests in black markets and mutual checks based on national sentiment. In response, the police and Daito-ku(台東區) district office proposed separation Korean from Ueno and helped to find replacement.
Higashi Ueno became the base of the Zainich Korean with the result that the project had been accomplished. Higashi Ueno was a place for commerce and housing, which was called the Goodwill Market. It had become known as Tokyo's representative Koreatown after liberation, mainly focused on the necessities of the life of Zainich Korean.
The Korean villages in Japan of pre-liberation era, which were mainly formed in places with inconvenient traffic and poor environment, lasted similar aspects even after liberation. On the other hand, Higashi Ueno was a place where land was purchased in a legal manner, and here, commercial and living rights of the people were guaranteed. It means that the Zainich Korean could lead a stable life in a guaranteed place and also reflected the change of life style after liberation.
Higashi Ueno has been the representative Koreatown of Tokyo over 70 years, however, as generations change, the region is also undergoing changes. Since the 2000s, exchanges between Korea and Japan have expanded further, and a new Koreatown has been formed around Shin- Okubo near Shinjuku. Thus, the uniqueness of the Higashi Ueno has been much smaller than before. Higashi Ueno reflects more than 100 years of Zainich Korean history, which could be called a barometer for predicting the future of Korean society in Japan.

4한국전쟁기 재일조선인의 기억과 재현 -『조선평론(朝鮮評論)』 수록 전화황(全和凰) 작품을 중심으로-

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발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 37권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 105-133 (29 pages)

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저자 : 이승진 ( Lee Seung-jin )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 37권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 135-166 (32 pages)

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This study aimed to summarize the genealogy of the magazines that Zainichi Koreans have published since 1990, and to examine the significance of the trends of change that can be observed. The consciousness of the members of Zainichi Korean community became individualized in the 1990s, when the magazine media of Zainichi Koreans played a remarkably lesser role as a forum for discourse. In the past, such magazines had exerted a dominant cultural influence on various areas of the community, but they gradually lost their dominance in almost all areas, including literature, politics, history and popular culture. In terms of the number of magazines published, many Zainichi Korean magazines were still published even in the 1990s, including the in-house magazines or journals of various organizations, and lifestyle magazines. As the general literary magazines, however, which had played a pivotal role in the world of Zainichi Korean magazines, had markedly less influence on the community, the areas such magazines covered began to be sharply limited from this time. This change in the circumstances of the magazine media was a phenomenon that the Japanese publishing market was also experiencing. This is because the market was reorganizing to focus on fashion magazines, a trend that meant the magazines in the general literature, current affairs, and politics sectors were gradually reduced, which indicates a change in the function of Japanese magazine media.
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저자 : 김진웅 ( Kim Jin-wung )

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This article attempts to restore the facet of early socialist activity of Choseon students in Japan by tracking the formation of Cosmo-Club and members' trends. Cosmo-Club was mere a social gathering originally established for the purpose of socialist research and exchange among international students. However, in June 1921, members such as Won Jongrin and Jung Taesin, who were involved in the plan of establishing the Communist Party of Japan, became a “Small International” of socialist international students by publishing 「Declaration」 based on the ideology of The Third International and taking an action. 
Since then, Cosmo-Club was operated with priority given to Choseon members. Members developed an active movement in close connection with the Gyomin Communist Party. This made Cosmo-Club position as one of the strong socialist groups in Japan. Cosmo-Club, however, was gradually declining since the second half of 1923, since major members changed the activity base. The suppression of Japanese imperialism, arrested and imprisoned and accelerated this by intimidating the members' activities. Eventually, Cosmo-Club was extinguished in 1925 since Kwon-Huiguk and Won Jongrin who were original members abandoned the international solidarity ideology based on socialism and transformed it into right-wing ideology. The beginning and end showed aspects of early socialism activities of Choseon students in Japan and the process of its division.

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