Fragment answers may form complex phrases within which an answer to the wh-correlate is embedded. Such fragments are dubbed “pied-piping” fragments, and the previous research observed that there is an asymmetry in deletion within the pied-piping fragment with respect to its position. While deletion is possible when the pied-piping fragment appears in final position, it is impossible when the fragment appears in non-final positions. To account for the asymmetry, two important factors have been addressed in the current research. Departing from the standard focus projection rules, the research follows a revised version of focus projection rules (Buring 2006, Chung 2015), in that external arguments or adjuncts may project up to the phrase that dominates them. This explains that the pied-piping fragment can receive [F]-marking and undergo focus-movement. In addition, scattered deletions are argued to be prohibited; two independent instances of ellipsis cannot be licensed within a sentence (Park 2016). Assuming that scattered deletions are generally banned in ellipsis contexts, the asymmetry is reduced to the difference in the timing of focus clustering. In final position the pied-piping fragment forms focus cluster with a higher [F]-marked fragment within VPs, so that nothing prevents it from undergoing focus movement. On the other hand, in non-final positions, the fragments form focus cluster in SpecFocP and necessarily fall into LF-intervention effects.
: 어문학분야 > 언어학
한국학술정보㈜의 모든 학술 자료는 각 학회 및 기관과 저작권 계약을 통해 제공하고 있습니다.
이에 본 자료를 상업적 이용, 무단 배포 등 불법적으로 이용할 시에는 저작권법 및 관계법령에 따른 책임을 질 수 있습니다.