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역사문제연구소> 역사문제연구> 이산가족의 범주화와 공동체 형성 방안

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이산가족의 범주화와 공동체 형성 방안

Study on the Korean dispersed families their categorization and a way for building their reunion community

김귀옥 ( Kim Gwi-ok )
  • : 역사문제연구소
  • : 역사문제연구 19권0호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2008년 04월
  • : 313-354(42pages)

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The purpose of this article is to research the problem of the Korean dispersed families academically. While their problems are direct results of the Korean War and the division of the peninsula, they also can be considered as a part of the global diaspora that began in 16th century. Although the topic of Korean dispersed families has been studied from a cultural point of view, it has not been studied by an academic approach. This article tries to categorize the kinds of the dispersed families not by the standard of the results of individual migrant action, but by the level of the division-structure of the Korean Peninsula. So this article is composed as follows. First of all, I examined the realities and problems concerning the 16 occasions of exchange visits of the dispersed families so that I could research the issues around them. After I tried to define the concept of the dispersed families because a lot of findings on this theme had no the definition of the families, I classified and explained five categories by the definition. And as I checked out the results of the government-level exchanges since June 15, 2000, which were held on 16 occasions, I found out the fruits and the urgent problems. Lastly, I proposed the ways to solve out the problems around the dispersed families.

ECN

I410-ECN-0102-2018-900-000055152


UCI

I410-ECN-0102-2018-900-000055152

간행물정보

  • : 인문과학분야  > 인류학
  • : KCI 등재
  • : -
  • : 반년간
  • : 1226-4199
  • :
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 1996-2018
  • : 411


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1책머리에

저자 : 류시현

발행기관 : 역사문제연구소 간행물 : 역사문제연구 19권 0호 발행 연도 : 2008 페이지 : pp. 6-8 (3 pages)

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2`이승만`이라는 표상 ―이승만 이미지를 통해 본 1950년대 지배 권력의 상징 정치―

저자 : 후지이다케시 ( Fujii Takeshi )

발행기관 : 역사문제연구소 간행물 : 역사문제연구 19권 0호 발행 연도 : 2008 페이지 : pp. 9-42 (34 pages)

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In order to understand the true nature of the Syngman Rhee regime, which assumed the form of a modernized political power, it is necessary to examine not only Syngman Rhee as an individual but also the regime`s inside mechanism which operated as a system based upon the image and existence of an individual named Syngman Rhee. Examined in this article, which employed the above-mentioned perspective, is for example what kind of changes the emblem of Syngman Rhee had gone through, since 1948 and through 1960. And also analyzed in this article, is the nature of the political power that ruled the time, which was displayed through a series of symbol-based politics. The task of presenting and emphasizing Syngman Rhee`s existence and character had continued since the foundation of the South Korean government. Yang Woo-Jung, who was a converted Socialist and also the head of the Yeonhap newspaper company played an important role in that task, by authoring a book called the 『president Rhee`s Political Idea for Founding of the Nation』. Prime minister Lee Bum-Suk wrote the foreword for this book, so we can presume that this book, written by Yang Woo-Jung, indeed reflected the position and opinion held by the ruling power of the time. The `Syngman Rhee~ way and position presented here was in fact one of Social democracy, and at this stage Rhee`s way and position even exhibited a certain level of `Third world` quality, which intended to resist and struggle with not only Communism but also Capitalism. Yet, after the so-called `Jokchung-gyae` faction which included Lee Bum-Suk was removed from power, with the cease-fire agreement in 1953, the image of Syngman Rhee changed significantly. Biographies of Syngman Rhee started to be published since 1954, and these biographies all emphasized Syngman Rhee`s pro-U.S. nature, while downsizing his Nationalist nature. Also, in order to present Syngman Rhee to the public in literally very visible terms, the government`s efforts continued. We can see that from the fact that the government issued orders to create portraits of Syngman Rhee everywhere in the country. And in 1955, in commemoration of Syngman Rhee`s 80th birthday, a large celebration ceremony was arranged, and the project of erecting Syngman Rhee`s statue was promoted there as well. In the latter half period of the 1950s, Syngman Rhee became almost a mythicized figure. As we can see from descriptions referring to him such as `the Korean Christ sent from God`, Syngman Rhee`s life were being described in religious, Catholic, God-related terms. This kind of mythifying of a person reached its peak right before the presidential election in 1960. Such phenomena was originated out of the Liberal Party`s desperate attempt to have Lee Ki-Poong, who did not have any kind of presentable philosophy whatsoever, elected as vice president to assist Syngman Rhee. As a result, later Syngman Rhee` s statue became a target of rallies during the April 19th revolution. In other words, Syngman Rhee`s image changed again, and became an object to be attacked as well.

3전후 재건과 지식인층의 `도의(道義)` 담론

저자 : 홍정완 ( Hong Jeong Wan )

발행기관 : 역사문제연구소 간행물 : 역사문제연구 19권 0호 발행 연도 : 2008 페이지 : pp. 43-84 (42 pages)

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Since the breakout and aftermath of the Korean war, members of the government (more like powerful officials in power) and a lot of intellectual figures were altogether facing a situation which showed severe fluctuation in the status of traditional values, and social crises triggered by political and economic disturbances. So they had to seek out for a new ideology, and a rule of life, that would stabilize the social structure and at the same time unite the nation. In the process, a specific concept was consistently suggested and argued by the intellectuals, and that concept was no other than the one of `Morality(道義)`. Such concept was mostly mentioned by the governmental authorities and also intellectuals who were close to power. They were trying to contain social crises, and in that regard they were responding in a fairly conservative way. Yet, as discussions continued, such conservative approaches also led to an opportunity, an establishment of a space where clashes and conflicts continued in intellectual terms. Among the intellectuals who were discussing the concept of `Morality(道義)`, some of them displayed a trend in which they argued the importance of inheriting traditional values and the merit of supporting the so-called `National spirit(民族精神)`, which actually had no bases in historical terms. This trend clearly exhibited an ideological quality of its own, as it aspired for an extreme level of anti-Communist and conservative stance, supporting the stabilization of the system in response to certain social crises. Yet, at the same time, such trend also displayed certain efforts trying to secure a basis for national unity, by suggesting the need of active evaluation of history and culture of the nation and the people. Also, there was another trend which tried, in an effort to overcome the under-developed nature of the Korean society, to break through the social disorders of the time by spreading the so-called `ethics for modern citizens`. Based upon the concept of `Western modernity`, devised in ideological terms with positive nuances, a group of intellectuals supported values such as modern-based political freedom and the merit of moral autonomy. But their so-called `modern rationalism` perceived the public`s lives as nothing but a mere hotbed that gave birth to the under-developed reality of the Korean people in the first place. And they also viewed the people`s lives as a space solely dictated by irrationality and superstition. Therefore they failed to acknowledge `the people` as entities that could be communicated with themselves, through their(the intellectuals`) supposed rationality.

41950년대 말 농촌지도의 한 사례 ―지역사회개발사업 현지 지도원의 활동을 중심으로―

저자 : 한봉석 ( Han Bong Seok )

발행기관 : 역사문제연구소 간행물 : 역사문제연구 19권 0호 발행 연도 : 2008 페이지 : pp. 85-137 (53 pages)

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The Community Development Program was a project designed to develop agricultural areas and to enhance the situation inside the agricultural society. It continued for four years during the late 1950s. The program was initiated with tasks commenced in `pilot` villages. In formal terms the program was led and supervised by NACOM, the central committee created through talks arranged between the V.S. and Korean governments, yet the real entity that oversaw the proceeding of the program were the U.S. relief institutes. So, quite naturally the U.S. policy regarding the Korean situation was well reflected in the program. And because of such nature, the program continued with two objectives: providing guidance to agricultural regions, and stabilizing the economy of the agricultural communities. The first objective was again intending to achieve two sub-objectives. First, the task of guiding the agricultural regions which had proceeded in quite a dispersed fashion since the liberation in 1945 had to be rearranged and redeployed in a unified fashion. And second, because V.S. was consistently interested in spreading the values of the so-called `democracy`, such V.S. interest had to be reflected in the program. In the meantime, the changing nature of the foreign reliefs that continued in the late 1950s forced the program to address the issue of stabilizing the agricultural communities with limited resources. But, the truth was that the original intentions behind supporting the cause of stabilization only expected and achieved limited enhancement in the regions` income structure, and therefore failed to incur a more wide-scale reform throughout the system and the region. This program had two meanings. First, the program shows us the general trend of the 1950s featured in the area of guiding agricultural regions, in a rather concentrated fashion. Second, it shows us the cultural factors that influenced the agricultural regions in the late 1950s, and also what kind of changes those regions actually went through at the time. In the late 1950s, new spaces with modernized meanings, and media and technologies, that were all introduced from the outside and brought to the residents of the agricultural villages, considerably affected the pilot villages. Especially the boys and girls in those villages received those cultural qualities, and the nuances that accompanied such new cultural aspects as well. In the process, `democracy` was also passed on and presented to them as well. Surely such phenomena was not an ordinary one considering the situation of other agricultural villages, yet the changes that the pilot villages went through serve as literally a litmus test paper that shows us what kind of cultural changes could have happened when a specifically designated place received support and guidance from the government, and what kind of possibilities could have come out from that experience. But this program was not designed to overcome all the structural difficulties and problems that were troubling the agricultural villages in the 1950s, and it was not equipped with methods that would enable the program to embark upon such fundamental task. The program itself was not based upon a long-term support plan created by the government. On the other hand, It mainly depended upon the power of individuals who had considerable amount of leadership on their own. So, the outcome of the pilot villages did not have the chance or momentum to actually spread to other regions in Korea. Examination of this program would enable us to have better understanding of the reality and hopes that the peasants were facing and having during the 1950s, and also the lack of proper agricultural policy on the government`s part.

51950년대 자본주의적 노동문제의 인식과 대응 ―노무관리를 중심으로―

저자 : 이정은 ( Lee Jung Eun )

발행기관 : 역사문제연구소 간행물 : 역사문제연구 19권 0호 발행 연도 : 2008 페이지 : pp. 139-171 (33 pages)

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Examined in this article are the management(`the capital`) side`s perception of the labor-related issues that existed inside the factories during the 1950s, and the changes that happened to their methods of controling the labor-side people and agendas. Also, examination in this article particularly concentrated upon determining the nature of mutual responses exhibited by both sides, the laborers and the capital. Right after the Korean war, the capital`s control and management (administration) of the labor was not so sophisticated, regardless of the size of the workforce or factory. The labor condition was very bad, and standard regulations regarding labor rules and labor management were yet to be developed. Most importantly, people(of the capital side) involved in the situation lacked proper perception of the labor force, which was no other than the ultimate factor in factory production and therefore was very important. At the time, reflecting the social and economic situation of the Korean society, the capital side treated and regulated the laborers in a far-from-subtle, overly oppressive way, and also in a random fashion. That changed since the mid-1950s. As domestic and foreign economic conditions started to change, the existing methods of labor management that had been accumulated for years were forced to change as well. A new movement supporting the enhancement of productivity, which argued that the labor force should be used more effectively and the methods of labor management should be improved as well, began to gain voices. At the same time, the laborers, who were already considerably frustrated with all those bad working condition and the managers` arbitrary and oppressive treatment of the employees, started to become very conscious of the social class issues, and as a notable result, labor disputes significantly increased. Threatened by this new phenomena, the capital(the management) side started to take more interest and be involved in developing a new laborer management system, and in developing ways to enhance efficiency in production. Departments put in sole charge of labor management were newly installed, while visible events and entities, such as discussion gatherings held between laborers and managers(employees and employers) or Mutual relief clubs in charge of providing assistance to the workers, were established in order to ease the tension and alleviate the discontent of the laborers. On the other hand, a strict system of reward and punishment was created, detailed labor rules were devised and prepared as obligatory regulations, and a new labor management system that would deal with issues such as personnel allocation, salary payment and duty assignments was established as well. In other words, new methods for the labor management, which would address some of the issues of the laborers, but at the same time also ultimately strengthen the managers` vertical control over the employees and therefore maximize profits for the employers, were being developed.

61950년대 대학생 집단의 정치적 성장

저자 : 오제연 ( Oh Je Yeon )

발행기관 : 역사문제연구소 간행물 : 역사문제연구 19권 0호 발행 연도 : 2008 페이지 : pp. 173-206 (34 pages)

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During the V.S. Military government period and the Korean war, the number of college students jumped from mere 8,000 to almost one hundred thousand. As we can see from the cases in which they were exempted from military services, these college students were indeed treated as social elites. In such atmosphere, the college students of the 1950s continued to grow a potential which would later enable them to not only physically contribute to the development of the society but also become actual leaders of that society. But at the same time, several conditions were still needed as well, if the college students were to fully realize their inner potentials. After the Korean war, the country was being rebuilt from ashes. In the wake of such rebuilding, colleges and universities were going through their own projects of constructions building main halls, grand auditoriums and libraries. Such places became centers and symbols for the campuses established inside all those colleges and universities. Each university and college established their own basic internal structure, and a new group identity, shared by the students studying and living together in same campuses, started to form. Also, large-scale student festivals which began to be held during the mid-1950s contributed to the strengthening of such group identity as well. The reinforced student group identities, formed in many universities and colleges, served as the eventual basis which transformed such identities into an actual display of political strength and voices. Since the latter half period of the 1950s, a consciousness critically viewing the society continued to build up among students armed with advanced minds and spirits. Especially, their keen interest in concepts such as freedom, democracy, the Korean people and national identity grew much stronger. College students, exhibiting this newly found critical consciousness to view the society, gradually developed their own potentials that would eventually help them lead the entire society. And these newly realized potentials and their pioneering nature, joined with the reinforced group identities of the college students, led to the college students` political growth in the 1950s. The democratic struggle that commenced on April 19th, 1960 was a truly startling event, in which for the first time in Korean history the college students fully exhibited their political capability and critical voice that had been accumulated during the 1950s.

7조선후기 민중운동 연구의 몇 가지 문제 ―임술민란을 중심으로―

저자 : 배항섭 ( Bae Hang Seob )

발행기관 : 역사문제연구소 간행물 : 역사문제연구 19권 0호 발행 연도 : 2008 페이지 : pp. 207-241 (35 pages)

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Studies in the area of the so-called `People`s history`, generally try to establish a historical determination of facts based upon the lives of the people and the difficulties they were forced to go through. Scholars engaged in this area of studies also try to conduct historical studies upon the people`s actual lives, without viewing history itself as a fixed-down or premeditated entity. They try to view history as literally a chain of possibilities, and therefore exhibit an obvious appeal in their own studies. In order to build upon such advantageous points presented in this area of studies, we should refrain from arbitrarily positioning the `people`s movement` theme anywhere inside existing discussions regarding the so-called `Development phases`, or viewing the subject as a mere theme that could only be defined and shaped by socio-economical variables and structures of the society. The people`s revolts should also be treated in such manner. Revolts should be analyzed through the events` own internal terms, and not with any external factors. In order to do so, the people`s consciousness, either collective or individual, that must have been formed in the wake of everyday`s life, should be considered very importantly and therefore appropriately approached first.

81930년대 전반 민족주의세력의 국제정세인식과 파시즘논의

저자 : 이태훈 ( Lee Tae Hoon )

발행기관 : 역사문제연구소 간행물 : 역사문제연구 19권 0호 발행 연도 : 2008 페이지 : pp. 243-269 (27 pages)

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After the great depression in 1929, the world`s capitalist system started to fluctuate. Before then, up until early 1929, Nationalists of Korea had been admitting that there were indeed problems with the Versailles system, but they still thought that the world order with U.S. and U.K at the center was pretty much stable in general. Yet with the advent of the Great depression, things began to change, and their view of the world went through some changes as well. As the international situation continued to change, the Nationalists started to critically view the existing Capitalist system and the international order based upon that. In their eyes, the depression was caused by the internal problems of Capitalism itself and also by the ensuing crises caused by Capitalism. So they reasoned that the Capitalist system was inherently flawed and had fundamental problems from the beginning. In this situation, a new world phenomena that drew their attention was no other than Fascism. In their perception, the Great Depression was a culmination of the limitations that were embodied by several existing values such as Internationalism, Individualism, Party politics and Liberal economic order. On the other hand, Fascism, which was represented by several new values such as dictatorship, anti-Capitalism, controlled economy and national citizenship, was deemed as the new alternative that was emerging on a global scale. Yet, although people generally tended to agree with the fact that Fascism was gaining momentum all over the world, they differed in opinions regarding the issue of whether to accept Fascism as the new alternative order or simply, not. People like Lee Gwang Su and Shin Heung Wu argued that Fascism should be actively embraced by the Korean people, while most of the intellectuals rejected it and became more and more critical toward Fascism with the passage of time. This kind of difference in opinions actually originated from the differences in perspectives viewing reality of the time and in perspectives viewing individuals and humanity. Lee Gwang Su considered people as entities that should sacrifice themselves (for higher causes) and also as entities that should be salvaged and redeemed. He also reasoned that the general population`s development of an independent consciousness, and the task of enhancing the national political strength based upon such consciousness, were simply impossible, and therefore argued the embracement of Fascism. Yet, other leaders in the Nationalist movement such as Song ]in Wu argued that the political voice of the Joseon Bourgeois figures(who had been cut off from the governmental and administrative power since the outbreak of the March 1st movement) should be based upon the general population, and such political background should be secured through having people with different interests and different agendas actually join the (Bourgeois) cause. In the meantime, while some of them presenting critical views of Fascism, the Bourgeois Nationalists all acknowledged the effective nature of control which was the underlying philosophy of Fascism. This kind of acknowledgement originated from their own economic situation, in which they were threatened by the Japanese monopolistic capital and were forced to rely their economic independence upon the Joseon Governor General office`s controlled economy policy. And after 1937, when the Japanese imperial authorities` full-scale control policy became quite visible, they were integrated into the ruling system themselves.

9`대동아`공간의 창출 ―전시기 일본의 지정학과 공간담론―

저자 : 이석원 ( Lee Seok Won )

발행기관 : 역사문제연구소 간행물 : 역사문제연구 19권 0호 발행 연도 : 2008 페이지 : pp. 271-311 (41 pages)

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The primary purpose of this article is to examine how Asian discourses in Imperial Japan conceptualized Asian space by investigating Japanese geopolitical discourses. The outbreak of the 1931 Manchurian Incident and Japan`s withdrawal from the League of the Nations were turning points through which Japan was confronted with `world-space`. Japan`s double stances of criticizing Western racism and at the same time maintaining dominance in the Asian region faced a dramatic challenge. This also meant that Japanese intellectuals were now in a position to create new spatial theories in their constructing an `anti-Western East Asian empire`. It was a group of geographers at Kyoto Imperial University who most actively responded to this question of reconstructing world-space through anti-Western epistemology. Influenced by the notion of `overcoming the modern`, first addressed by the Kyoto School of Philosophy, these geographers advocated anti-Western Imperial-Way geopolitics under the leadership of Komaki Saneshige. Contending that unlike the West that they believed to be collapsing due to its spiritual decadence and modern science, East Asian space had inherited nature-friendly and harmonious components, they insisted that Imperial-Way be the only spiritual structure that would make possible the unification of East Asian space. They also argued that an agriculture-centered economy based on village community would be the ideal form for a self-sufficient East Asian society. On the contrary, Tokyo-based geopoliticians were mapping out a new form of spatial theory in which geopolitics was closely associated with modernization. This so-called rationalist geopolitics led by Ezawa Joji and Royama Masamichi attempted to establish a community of destiny that they believed to be a core concept of `the East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere` by restructuring East Asian space. For Ezawa and Royama, modernization was a new living form that would provide a new stream of experiences for various ethnic groups in Asia who had maintained a nature-deterministic form of life based on the agriculture-centered economy. It was also an important concept of subjectivity formation that would enable colonial subjects to be voluntarily transformed into imperial subjects since they thought that modernization would fundamentally change the existing the empire-colony power structure in Japanese empire.

10이산가족의 범주화와 공동체 형성 방안

저자 : 김귀옥 ( Kim Gwi-ok )

발행기관 : 역사문제연구소 간행물 : 역사문제연구 19권 0호 발행 연도 : 2008 페이지 : pp. 313-354 (42 pages)

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The purpose of this article is to research the problem of the Korean dispersed families academically. While their problems are direct results of the Korean War and the division of the peninsula, they also can be considered as a part of the global diaspora that began in 16th century. Although the topic of Korean dispersed families has been studied from a cultural point of view, it has not been studied by an academic approach. This article tries to categorize the kinds of the dispersed families not by the standard of the results of individual migrant action, but by the level of the division-structure of the Korean Peninsula. So this article is composed as follows. First of all, I examined the realities and problems concerning the 16 occasions of exchange visits of the dispersed families so that I could research the issues around them. After I tried to define the concept of the dispersed families because a lot of findings on this theme had no the definition of the families, I classified and explained five categories by the definition. And as I checked out the results of the government-level exchanges since June 15, 2000, which were held on 16 occasions, I found out the fruits and the urgent problems. Lastly, I proposed the ways to solve out the problems around the dispersed families.

1
주제별 간행물
간행물명 수록권호

KCI등재

역사문제연구
1권 0호(1996) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

역사문제연구
1권 0호(1996) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

역사문제연구
1권 0호(1996) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

한국문화인류학
1권 0호(1968) ~ 51권 1호 (2018)

KCI등재

호서고고학
1권 0호(1999) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

호남고고학보
1권 0호(1993) ~ 58권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

한국문화인류학
1권 0호(1968) ~ 51권 1호 (2018)

KCI등재

호남고고학보
1권 0호(1993) ~ 58권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

호서고고학
1권 0호(1999) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

역사문제연구
1권 0호(1996) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

한국문화인류학
1권 0호(1968) ~ 51권 1호 (2018)

KCI등재

호남고고학보
1권 0호(1993) ~ 58권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

호서고고학
1권 0호(1999) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

역사문제연구
1권 0호(1996) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

역사문제연구
1권 0호(1996) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

역사문제연구
1권 0호(1996) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

역사문제연구
1권 0호(1996) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

역사문제연구
1권 0호(1996) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

역사문제연구
1권 0호(1996) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)

KCI등재

역사문제연구
1권 0호(1996) ~ 39권 0호 (2018)
발행기관 최신논문
자료제공: 네이버학술정보
발행기관 최신논문
자료제공: 네이버학술정보

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