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중앙아시아학회> 중앙아시아연구> 기원전 4~서기 1세기의 고고학자료로 본 흉노와 동아시아 -흉노학의 정립을 위한 토대구축을 겸하여-

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기원전 4~서기 1세기의 고고학자료로 본 흉노와 동아시아 -흉노학의 정립을 위한 토대구축을 겸하여-

Xiongnu in Ancient Culture of East Asia -an Approach to Solve Xiongnu`s Chronological and Spacial Paradox with Suggestion of International Xiongnu Studies-

강인욱 ( In Uk Kang )
  • : 중앙아시아학회
  • : 중앙아시아연구 15권0호
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 2010년 12월
  • : 1-27(27pages)

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Apparently, Xiongnu studies in recent years are awesomely increased. From 1990 to present many international cooperative excavations have been conducted in the People`s Republic of Mongolia, and Chinese scholars also autonomously investigate the Southern Xiongnu sites(mainly Inner Mongoila of China). Besides, the researches on Cis-baikal area are relatively diminished compared to the period until 1980s, when the Cis-baikal was one of most distinctive areas for Xiongnu studies. Although many attempts to shed light on the Xiongnu archaeology, the connection between Xiongnu and East Asia have been poorly researched for reasons as below. 1) historical researches are mainly based on the Chinese historical records, written actually on the diplomatic and martial actions with Xiongnu in the background of Chinese determinism. 2) most of Xiongnu excavations are concentrated on Mongol and Cis-Baikal, actually these regions belonged to Northern Xiongnu. In contrast, Southern Xiongnu are poorly researched and definition of Northern vague because of strong influence of Chinese mortuary tradition. 3) In relation with spacial inclination, most of Xiongnu tombs are dated from middle of 1st century B.C. to 1st century A.D. It means that the materials. accumulated up to now are just concerned after the spilt of Northern and Southern Xiongnu. These reasons also concern to the matter why the relation between Xiongnu and East Asia have been poorly researched. To suggest a new perspective on Xiongnu archaeology, author suggest to actively include 4th~3th B.C., of Chinese Northern region included in Ordos Bronzes in Xiongnu archaeology. Since the Ordos bronzes could be used as the evidence of Eurasian nomad`s influence to ancient Chinese culture, the research on the Ordos Bronzes became the one of the most important ground in Chinese archaeology. Interests on the Ordos bronzes by Western and Japanese researchers did not involve serious archaeological analysis. That`s the reason why Northern Chinese zone so poorly contributed to Xiongnu archaeology. Generally, according to Chinese chronicles about Xiongnu, they formed a prominent complex society on the borderline of Northern China in 4-3th B.C. In 4-3th century B.C., in spite of absence of big barrows or fortresses, Ordos plateau, Southern Siberia(Altai region) and Western Turkestan has strong similarities in gold prestige goods as crown, diadem, and monstrous animal style ornaments. We can assume that if we include Northern Chinese regions in 4-3th B.C. centuries, then we could manage to discuss the whole cultural change of Xiongnu. Furthermore, this conception of `widened` Xiongnu area could shed light on the relation between Xiongnu and East Asia. Most of researchers on the Xiongnu archaeology concentrate on the barrows in Mongolia dated from 1th B.C., but Kochosun(Old Chosun). which was believed to have close relation with Xiongnu, were collapsed by Han Dynasty in 108 B.C., until the flourish of nowaday well-known Xiongnu tombs. So, in this article, author suggest to expand Xiongnu chronological range until 4th century B.C., and spacial range to Ordos plateau and neighboured steppe region of North China. In this case, we can trace the relationship between Xiongnu, dynasty Yan, and Kochosun(or lute-shaped dagger culture of Manchuria). Xinzhuangtu tomb No.30 in Yanxiatu revealed many steppe style gold plaque and gold gilt daggers with Korean style spear of halberd type Ge. Like this, new perspective on Xiongnu studies could be founded if we give more contributions on Xiongnu and East Asian relations. After the power of Xiongnu dissolved in 1st century A.D., previously subordinated peoples as Xianbi, Wuhuan, Wusun rose in the Eurasia steppes and opened medieval age in Eurasia. As long as "Northern type" materials found in Korea are dated to Xiongnu age or slightly later, we need to give more attention to contemporary studies on Xiongnu.

UCI(KEPA)

I410-ECN-0102-2012-910-001849149

간행물정보

  • : 사회과학분야  > 인문지리
  • : KCI등재
  • :
  • : 반년간
  • : 1738-0200
  • :
  • : 학술지
  • : 연속간행물
  • : 1996-2019
  • : 262


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1기원전 4~서기 1세기의 고고학자료로 본 흉노와 동아시아 -흉노학의 정립을 위한 토대구축을 겸하여-

저자 : 강인욱 ( In Uk Kang )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 15권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 1-27 (27 pages)

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Apparently, Xiongnu studies in recent years are awesomely increased. From 1990 to present many international cooperative excavations have been conducted in the People`s Republic of Mongolia, and Chinese scholars also autonomously investigate the Southern Xiongnu sites(mainly Inner Mongoila of China). Besides, the researches on Cis-baikal area are relatively diminished compared to the period until 1980s, when the Cis-baikal was one of most distinctive areas for Xiongnu studies. Although many attempts to shed light on the Xiongnu archaeology, the connection between Xiongnu and East Asia have been poorly researched for reasons as below. 1) historical researches are mainly based on the Chinese historical records, written actually on the diplomatic and martial actions with Xiongnu in the background of Chinese determinism. 2) most of Xiongnu excavations are concentrated on Mongol and Cis-Baikal, actually these regions belonged to Northern Xiongnu. In contrast, Southern Xiongnu are poorly researched and definition of Northern vague because of strong influence of Chinese mortuary tradition. 3) In relation with spacial inclination, most of Xiongnu tombs are dated from middle of 1st century B.C. to 1st century A.D. It means that the materials. accumulated up to now are just concerned after the spilt of Northern and Southern Xiongnu. These reasons also concern to the matter why the relation between Xiongnu and East Asia have been poorly researched. To suggest a new perspective on Xiongnu archaeology, author suggest to actively include 4th~3th B.C., of Chinese Northern region included in Ordos Bronzes in Xiongnu archaeology. Since the Ordos bronzes could be used as the evidence of Eurasian nomad`s influence to ancient Chinese culture, the research on the Ordos Bronzes became the one of the most important ground in Chinese archaeology. Interests on the Ordos bronzes by Western and Japanese researchers did not involve serious archaeological analysis. That`s the reason why Northern Chinese zone so poorly contributed to Xiongnu archaeology. Generally, according to Chinese chronicles about Xiongnu, they formed a prominent complex society on the borderline of Northern China in 4-3th B.C. In 4-3th century B.C., in spite of absence of big barrows or fortresses, Ordos plateau, Southern Siberia(Altai region) and Western Turkestan has strong similarities in gold prestige goods as crown, diadem, and monstrous animal style ornaments. We can assume that if we include Northern Chinese regions in 4-3th B.C. centuries, then we could manage to discuss the whole cultural change of Xiongnu. Furthermore, this conception of `widened` Xiongnu area could shed light on the relation between Xiongnu and East Asia. Most of researchers on the Xiongnu archaeology concentrate on the barrows in Mongolia dated from 1th B.C., but Kochosun(Old Chosun). which was believed to have close relation with Xiongnu, were collapsed by Han Dynasty in 108 B.C., until the flourish of nowaday well-known Xiongnu tombs. So, in this article, author suggest to expand Xiongnu chronological range until 4th century B.C., and spacial range to Ordos plateau and neighboured steppe region of North China. In this case, we can trace the relationship between Xiongnu, dynasty Yan, and Kochosun(or lute-shaped dagger culture of Manchuria). Xinzhuangtu tomb No.30 in Yanxiatu revealed many steppe style gold plaque and gold gilt daggers with Korean style spear of halberd type Ge. Like this, new perspective on Xiongnu studies could be founded if we give more contributions on Xiongnu and East Asian relations. After the power of Xiongnu dissolved in 1st century A.D., previously subordinated peoples as Xianbi, Wuhuan, Wusun rose in the Eurasia steppes and opened medieval age in Eurasia. As long as "Northern type" materials found in Korea are dated to Xiongnu age or slightly later, we need to give more attention to contemporary studies on Xiongnu.

2광활한 몽골초원과 흉노인의 생존 -고고학 증거를 중심으로-

저자 : 윤형원 ( Hyeung Won Yun )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 15권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 29-54 (26 pages)

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The movement of Xiongnu people gave greatly influence to the dominion of world history. Records about `Xiongnu` people were left only partly in the Chinese historical records of their contact with the West through the war. Their vestiges have been discovered in the area without the records of them, but the only way to find out their actual substance is archaeological expedition. Therefore, many countries of both East and West such as Russia, Hungary, France, the U. S., Belgium, Korea and Japan have dispatched the researchers to the Mongol area, once the central area of Xiongnu people, to proceed archaeological survey. Thereupon, in this study I will portray the picture of Xiongnu people who survived in the great steppe based on the archaeological evidences excavated from Mongolia as an extension of the existing studies on the Xiongnu tombs in Mongolia. Xiongnu People: How Xiongnu people who left the great Xiongnu culture on the steppe look like? The faces of two people appearing on the woolen object have eyes, wide nose and long mustache that are impressive. Through the archaeological materials, we can directly meet Xiongnu people via the excavated human skeleton, but in many cases the bones were damaged by tomb robbery or underground animals. In the recent excavations, it is the trend to proceed the study with physical anthropologist because researchers feel keenly the necessity of skeletal analysis. The materials tell that the height of Xiongnu women was 150-167 cm, and that of Xiongnu men was 167-174 cm. The age of death was thirties in women and thirties to forties in men. Also many male were dead in their teens. The fractures of men were because of battles and aged people over sixties were rare. The owner of large tomb is aristocrat who did not do hard work, and the tomb of children followed the status of their parents. Bones outside the wooden coffin might have been the burial of the living with the dead, and those who were buried in the attached tombs are subordinates of the owner of the main tomb. The hole in the skull is related to the medical treatment or religion, and there is a child who died of malnutrition. The serious wear and tear on teeth is because of carnivorous diet. What is important is the co-presence of Mongoloid and European race in the same tumulus, which means the Xiongnu society was multi-raced and multi-cultured one. Food & Cook: The main diet of nomad was meat such as mutton, goat, beef and horseflesh and dairy products. A great deal of animal bone has been excavated from Xiongnu tombs and most of them was sacrifices for funeral rites. The offering food for the owner of the tomb was left in some cases: Cow bones were put in bronze cauldron, sheep bone and rabbit bone were discovered together and sheep ribs were put beside the owner of the tomb. Large jar is a storing vessel. Sometimes grains were excavated from it and alcohol or liquid was stored in it. There is a hole in the lower part of the jar, which seems to be used like today`s rice barrel from which the contents are pulled out. Grains were excavated from the inside of a wooden coffin; grains were also in a lacquer ware; sheep bone, grain and vegetables were put in a bronze cauldron. Vessel: The kitchen appliances of nomad can be used indoor, however, in most cases they are fit for field life. Earthenware model of cooking fireplace was excavated. Bronze cauldron, bronze tray, wooden dish, bronze kettle, rice steamer, lacquer ware vessel with inscription (B. C. 2), lacquer ware side-dish box and bowl with two ear for cooking and distributing food were discovered. Iron ladle, tea spoon, wooden spoon, bone chopstick, birch bark vessel were also excavated. Earthenware excavated are bowl, pot, vessel, jar, footed dish, lamp-oil container and steamer etc. Customs & Ornaments Clothing and Clothing Ornaments: Winter cap with earpiece made of pelt and triangle-shaped hat made of silk were excavated. The burial of pigtail in silk pouch means the custom to summon the soul of the dead by cutting the hair where the soul stays, which illustrates the nomad proceeded the funeral rites without killing the living. A bronze ornament for the head end was discovered. The form of the clothing is convenient for riding horse. The long coat is long and there is the trace of fur padding on the inside. There is a hole on the crotch of the trousers which is to excrete without taking off trousers in the cold. The belts excavated were made of gold, iron, wood and stone and the shoes excavated were made of silk and pelt. A bronze shoes ornament and an iron shoes ornament were excavated. The jade ornaments excavated were round disk-shaped one, jade shroud, comma-shaped jade, jade trousers and beads. There were also ornaments like gold earrings and shells. `Salavch` stone necklace ornament and the sculpture of naked `Bes` which are presumed to have come Egypt were excavated. Weapons and Portable goods: A knife is basic belongings for nomad and diverse types of knife have been excavated such as knife, small knife, iron sword and iron knife. Xiongnu people carried iron cane and iron saw. Whetstone and firing tools, small musical instrument made of bone, tobacco pipe and coins were also major belongings. Bow and arrow was necessities for Xiongnu people as warrior and hunter. The tip and the hand-grip of the bow were made solid by attaching bones. A quiver made of white birch bark was discovered. Iron arrowheads of willow-leaf shape and three-wing shape were excavated and wooden arrowhead was also excavated. Mirrors made in the Han-Dynasty China and it was buried with destroyed and wrapped in silk. Unrhaeyeonhomungyeong(雲雷緣弧文鏡)(A.D. 20-50), Gyugugyeong(規矩鏡) (B.C. 1C-A.D. 1C) and Bannimungyeong(蟠리文鏡) (B.C. 3-2C) were excavated. A silver ornament plate which are presumed to be a Greek goddess is an important relic that suggests the presence of international trade. Coach and Horse Ornaments: Twenty or more coaches were discovered on the lid of large wooden chamber tomb and the form of the coaches were ones with umbrella and ones with room. Horse ornaments such as forehead plate, horse-bit, harness ornament, harness fittings, stirrup and horse-bell were excavated. In some cases, the part of horse-bit was replaced with antler and bone. Wooden saddle and iron stirrup were discovered. On the breast ornament of the horse was expressed an unicorn and on the hip ornament unicorn, yak, deer, goat and dragon. Sometimes horse bell was excavated. Settlement & Tomb: Nomads left few things after their movement since they made tent-like houses called `Ger` on the ground and moved to and from the summer camp and the winter camp. However, recently subterranean dwelling pit house and heating equipment was discovered, and building site and roadway were excavated as a result of the survey on castle site. Basically, the main burial is settled deep underground. The plane figure is divided into round and square, and the square-shaped tomb has doorway. The central part of the tomb is depressed because of the disruption of the wooden chamber of the main burial. Sometimes there exposed black soil that was presumed as the trace of firing rituals. Deep inside the pit of the tomb was filled with many stones (broken stones, 할석) and underneath there were sacrificed animals or buried coach. In case of large tomb, dual wooden chambers and wooden coffin were placed on the main burial. Artifacts were buried in the space between the exterior chamber and the interior chamber, a good deal of woolen cloth were excavated. The inside of the tomb was decorated with carpet, silk cloth or white birch bark to make a cozy place for rest after death. On the exterior of the wooden coffin are diverse ornaments such as gold belt, metal flower pattern ornament, ornament with sun and moon pattern made of various materials like gold, bronze and iron. The gilt-bronze or bronze rod discovered outside the coffin is likely to have been knob. Xiongnu Existence: The life of Xiongnu people was survival itself. We reviewed Xiongnu people and their food, clothing and shelter based on the archaeological evidence as mentioned above. The Xiongnu archaeology has very difficult process from the discovery of the remains to the survey & excavation because there are numerous challenges to solve such as great Steppe, fast-changing climate, insufficient materials and manpower. However, the collaboration of the scholars from Mongol and other countries for the past 77 years had made slow but steady survey and study until now and it yielded today`s achievement. I would like to express the existence of Xiongnu reviewed with the archaeological evidence as `the diversification of materials due to the insufficiency and the destruction and omission of formality.` Even in the production of one product, the choice of material was diverse such as gold, gilt-bronze, bronze, iron, wood and bone as situation permitted. In the situation where the Chinese buried the living with the dead, Xiongnu people destroyed the formality and just cut their hair and put it into the tomb. Xiongnu people valued the unique efficiency of nomad, fast absorbed and adapted to heterogeneous cultures. Who was the host of the Xiongnu culture at that time that comprehended the civilization from all over the world? Xiongnu emphasized free trade more than tax treatment. Xiongnu was superior to settled countries like China in the trade with far away region because they secured transportation with mobility by taming horses. (Nov. 2010)

3흉노 귀족계층 무덤의 연구

저자 : G.에렉젠 ( Gelegdorj Eregzen )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 15권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 55-78 (24 pages)

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In Mongolia and Transbaikal, after the twentieth century, many tombs of Xiongnu were discovered and consequently the remains and materials from such tombs provided rich and new information on Xiongnu culture, which were not recorded in documents at all. The tombs of Xiongnu can be classified into two types; large tumulis for elite tombs and small tombs of lower classes. During these 100 years, about seven thousand Xiongnu tombs were discovered not only from Mongolia, Republic of Buryatia, Russia which were the ancient Xiongnu territory but also from South Baikal(Transbaikal), Altai mountains and Inner Mongolia of China, Xinjiang, Gansu, Chinghai area. Among them, four thousand tombs were discovered in Mongolia; seven elite tombs cemetery are located in Mongolia such as Noyon uul, Gol mod, Gol mod-II, Duurlig nars, Bor bulgiin am, Takhiltyn khotgor, Selbiin am. Three elite tombs cemetery, Ilimovaya padi, Tsaram, Orgoiton were discovered in South Baikal, Republic of Buryatia, Russia; while one elite tombs cemetery, Bai Dag-II, was discovered in Tuva Republic. Small size tombs were included to the elite tombs in above mentioned eleven cemetery. The elite tombs are one fifteenth of more than seven thousand Xiongnu tombs ever found. In terms of distribution, about 96% of elite tombs are located in Mongolia and less than 4% are located in Russia, all of which were found from the border between Russia and Mongolia. This suggests that current Mongolia area would have been the center of Xiongnu. Xiongnu`s elite tombs found or excavated in Mongolia, South Baikal and Tuva area share more or less similar characteristics in terms of outer features exposed over ground and underground structures. All of them have square shaped lower mound and a tomb passage located on the southern wall with stone structures surrounding the rim of mound and tomb passages. On the ground of a tomb pit with a deep underground structure, a large size wooden chamber was situated; inside, a lavishly decorated wooden coffin was installed and artifacts were buried following certain rules. This paper will examine the distribution, structural characteristics and excavated materials from the Xiongnu`s elite tombs.

4조위(曹魏), 서진시기(西晉時期) 병주(幷州) 흉노사회(匈奴社會) -오호십륙국(五胡十六國)의 전주곡(前奏曲)-

저자 : 정재훈 ( Jae Hun Jeong )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 15권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 79-110 (32 pages)

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In AD 47, Southern Xiongnu(南匈奴) that was formed centering on the group that moved south around the Great Wall of China lived separately after the division of Xiongnu and served as the defender of Han(漢) Dynasty. After that, Xianbi(鮮卑) tribe became powerful after the collapse of Northern Xiongnu(北匈奴) in AD 91, so many groups of Xiongnu from Mongol steppe migrated to the northern area of Great Wall of China. Due to that reason, the area of Great Wall of China was in confusion due to conflicts between various ethnic groups but it was increasingly stabilized. Southern Xiongnu, which was developed by Han Dynasty`s support and formed its power, gave rise to an internal conflict again in the late 2nd century, so key forces including Shanyu(單于) group mostly migrated to counties by centering on He-Dong(河東) province while other groups moved several provinces by centering on Bing-Zhou(幷州) province. In addition, chaotic states such as Bandits of Yellow flag(Huang-jin-Zei, 黃巾賊)`s uprising in the 180s and northern immigrants who moved south were made so that Southern Xiongnu caused inner divisions again and the key force group expelled from their stronghold held their own ground by uniting with Yuan-Shao(袁紹), but finally was controlled by Cao-Cao(曹操) who took the northern part. After that, Xiongnu failed to form the big power and was under the control of Bing-Zhou and He-Dong province. Later, Xiongnu lived in Bing-Zhou province in better environment than the edge of north by farming instead of Chinese people who moved south in the Later Han Dynasty. Cao-Cao, a person in power, firstly separated Shanyu from their own tribe and weakened power and at the same time divided groups to live separately. The control of each group was given to the own heads, so Xiongnu who lived in Bing-Zhou province was divided but many town heads were internally developed on behalf of Shanyu`s power. Like this, Cao-Cao`s controlling of Xiongnu aimed to stabilize them that was the mounted army with excellent military ability during the situation of unification war and to smoothly mobilize it. When clan of Si-Ma came to power in the late Cao-Wei Dynasty, Liu-Bao(劉豹), a chief of Xiongnu group, increased power and tried to unify Bing-Zhou Xiongnu groups. With such a movement, Si-Ma-Yan(司馬炎) unified the three nations and Argument of barbarian`s emigration(徙戎論) was strongly recommended to solve threat of immigrants, but Si-Ma-Yan(Wu-ti, 武帝) didn`t accept it. Si-Ma-Yan rather repressed the uprising of Liu-Bao, divided Bing-Zhou Xiongnu groups into five, and tried to separate the power by making Du-Wei(都尉), the Chinese official position for control. Besides, Si-Ma-Yan captured former Shanyu`s descendant, Liu-Yuan(劉淵), in Luo-Yang(洛陽) to prevent his stronger power. This was a realistic method of preventing the unity of Xiongnu while might strongly control them. However, such a countermeasure of the Royal Court was not successful as the reign of Xi-Jin(西晉) collapsed without time enough to change the power relationship inside the Xiongnu groups. On the other hand, Liu-Yuan took the chance and returned to Shan-Xi(山西) so it founded the new country in central districts on the basis of Xiongnu`s own tribe organization system. As a result, so-called Wu-Hu-Shi-Liu(五胡十六國) era has begun.

5신라사 연구에 있어서 "기마민족 이론"의 재고 -등자 및 재갈을 중심으로-

저자 : 강봉원 ( Bong Won Kang )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 15권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 111-135 (25 pages)

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This paper examines a Korean version of `the Horse-rider Theory` originally formulated by Egami Namio, Japanese prehistorian in the late 1940s. In this paper I argued that it is impossible to accept the `the Horse-rider Theory` for two reasons: lack of logic and chronological problem. On one hand, the scholars who support the theory have been postulating that it was not impossible for horse-riders to move into modern city of Gyeongju, the capital of Silla Kingdom, since the horse-riders moved very swiftly. On the other hand, however, they admit that there is a little difference between the horse-riders and Silla people in terms of culture chronology. Although there is a great deal of geographic distance between Central Asia and southern part of Korea, if they move very quickly, there should not be any time difference at all. In order to disprove the theory, brief histories of Scythai, Sarmat, and Hsingnu`s were over-viewed. It turned out that not only the Scythians but also Sarmat peoples disappeared long before Silla Kingdom even existed. This indicates two things: Migration of Scythians, who used to have built kurgans in and around Central Asia, did not take place what so ever; There was no cultural contact between Scythians and Silla people. In addition, two horse-riding equipments (i.e., bits and cheek-pieces and stirrups) are examined to see whether there are any similarities between those of the horse-riders` and Silla people`s. The research outcome suggests that the horse-riders in Central Asia did not even use stirrups to begin with, while a great number of stirrups have been excavated out of Silla Stone-surrounded wooden chamber tombs located in Gyeongju. Although some similarities have been recognized in bits and cheek-pieces, huge differences between the two regions in materials and style are detected. In conclusion, it is difficult, not impossible, to accept the horse-rider theory to explain the culture change in Silla and it should be completely reexamined in the near future for the development of the study of Silla history and archaeology.

6몽골제국과 『대원일통지(大元一統志)』의 편찬

저자 : 김호동 ( Ho Dong Kim )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 15권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 137-161 (25 pages)

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The world map of Honilgangriyeokdaegukdo jido (混一疆理歷代國都之圖) made in 1402 has drawn a lot of scholarly attention during the last several decades, and recent researches made significant contribution to the widening of our understanding. Especially Miya Noriko in her newly published book persuasively argued that the world map compiled and inserted in the work entitled DaYuanYitongzhi(元一統志) became the basis of Hongilgangrido. This article is an attempt to supplement her argument by clarifying and revising a couple of facts related with the relationship between those two maps. (1) During the reign of Qubilai, the Board of War was in charge of collecting gazetteers of provincial areas and the Hanlin Academy was also commissioned to gathering various provincial gazetteers in order to compile a botanical work called Zhiyuanbenchao(至元本草). However, when the collection of geographical materials did not progress as planned, Jamal al-Din who was at that time the chief of Mishujian (Imperial Library Directorate) proposed to collect them systematically under the initiative of his bureau and to compile a comprehensive geography based on that collection. This suggests that the geographical book Jamal al-Din proposed was not about the entire Mongol empire, neither the whole area of Qubilai`s realm. Rather it was meant to cover basically the two areas of Handi and Jiangnan, i.e., China proper. Incidentally, at that time, a person named Yu Yinglong(虞應龍) had just finished a draft of geographical work which he named Tongtongzhi(統同志). Since it was considered to accord well with Jamal al-Din`s proposal, the office of Mishujian, based on the work of Yu, succeeded in compiling a geographical work. It was named DaYitongzhi, which is apparently inspired by the title of Yu`s work Tongtongzhi. (2)It has been generally considered that DaYitongzhi was compiled in 1294 at first and revised in 1303. In fact, however, it was first compiled in 1291 and, when they obtained additional information on `far and border regions` such as Yunnan and Liaoyang, supplementary volume(s) were made. At the same time, having checked the changes and mistakes, they drew up a table of addenda and corrigenda. However, when these changes became increased, in 1301 they decided to compile a revised edition and thus a new version was completed in 1303. Therefore, we can assume that in the library of Mishujian three different versions of DaYitongzhi were stored: (a)the first edition, 755 volumes(juan), completed in 1291, (b)the edition of 1294, 787 volumes in 483 book(ce), and (c) the final edition of 1303, 1,300 volumes in 600 books. The first version was printed later during the reign of Zhizheng but it was lost and now only a small portion survives. (3) As the collection of various provincial maps of China was proceeding, in 1286 Jamal al-Din who had already possessed a number of "Muslim maps" proposed Qubilai to compile a world map covering the entire Mongol empire "from where the sun rises to where the sun goes down." His request was approved and he further ordered to collect rah-nama, i.e., portolan map, from the Muslim merchants of the Indian Ocean. We are not sure whether he succeeded in compiling this map, but, considering the fact that it was an imperially commissioned project, it is reasonable to assume that it was completed if not some special circumstances. The world map he drew up must have been quite different from Honilgangrido which depicts China and Korea disproportionately bigger than the reality. We know that on a woodcut globe(kurah-iard) he presented to Qubilai the ratio of the land and the sea was 3:7. And there is no surviving Muslim maps that shows the composition as we see in Honilgangrido. This is the reason why I consider the world map of Jamal al-Din could not be a base map of Li Zemin(李澤民)`s Shengjiaoguangbeitu (聖敎廣被圖) which became the model of Honilgangrido. (4)Therefore, I think it is necessary to turn our attention to a map named Tianxiadirizongtu(天下地理總圖) that was appended to the 1303 edition of DaYitongzhi. This edition contains a `small map(xiaotu) after the description of each circuit(lu), but it was necessary to provide a comprehensive map showing the entire region depicted in that work. Thus Tianxia diri zongtu was made and appended at the end of the book. It was drawn by a man named Fang Ping (方平), but soon later he worked in collaboration with Yu Yong (兪庸). Since this map was designed to show the areas that were described in DaYitongzhi, it is not surprising for us to see China depicted very much in detail. Although it seems that they made use of some geographical information in Jamal al-Din`s world map, the areas to the west of China was shrunken and distorted. Probably it is this Tianxia diri zongtu that was disseminated among the people and became the basis of Zhou Siben`s Guangyutu and Li Zemin`s Shengjiaoguangbeitu. If we draw a diagram based on the preceding discussions, it should be as follows. ① Jamal al-Din`s world map→ ② Tianxia diri zongtu appended to DaYitongzhi→ ③The maps of Zhou Siben and Li Zemin→ ④Honilgangrido in Korea

7쿠빌라이 정부의 대도(大都)건설과 역참교통체계 구축

저자 : 고명수 ( Myung Soo Koh )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 15권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 163-188 (26 pages)

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This study aims at confirming Khubilai`s intention to make a large city called "Dadu"(大都) as the only capital city of the Mongol Empire. Then it shows that Dadu, where the Mongolian government had established the massive postal station system connecting all parts of Eurasia, was based on an examination of the geographical conditions of Yanjing(燕京) and the historical background behind the construction of Dadu, and deserved to be "the capital of the world empire" where various people, goods and cultures from all over the world mixed. Even before his ascending to the throne of Qa`an, Khubilai drew up the plan to build the capital city of the Mongol Empire in Yanjing, a natural fortress, transportation hub, the political and the economic hub of Han territory(漢地). During the battle over the throne after Mongke`s death, he made Yanjing as the central logistics base and effectively attacked Ariq Boke`s troops. After winning the civil war, in order to establish his status as the only Qa`an of the Mongol Empire and maintain the integrated empire, Khubilai chose Yanjing as the capital city and hugely constructed it called Dadu. To maintain its status as the indisputable capital for Dadu, it needed to be equipped with a land transportation system that enables smooth communication with people in all parts of the empire. Therefore, the Khubilai government built a lot of postal stations on streets leading to Mongolian grasslands and Ulus in the western part, establishing the massive postal station system which started in Dadu and connected all parts of Eurasia. During Khubilai`s era, the road with postal stations at regular intervals was blocked temporarily due to the dominance of lords in the northwest of China. After the reconciliation between East and West in the early 14th century, however, as the absolute status of Qa`an and a strong sense of solidarity among the Mongolian imperial family were maintained. Accordingly, the road played a crucial role in vitalizing political, economic and cultural exchanges throughout Eurasia and maintaining the unity of the Mongol Empire. As a result, Dadu, the center of the massive land transportation system, developed into the "the capital of the world empire" where numerous people, goods, cultures and knowledge from all over the world coexisted and exchanged. In this regard, the meaning of the Khubilai government`s construction of Dadu, regarded as the indicator of the assimilation into the Chinese identity(漢化) and division of the Mongol Empire, and the function of Dadu as a city should be newly understood in terms of the continuity of Mongolian tradition and the unity of the Mongol Empire.

8고려의 북원(北元)칭호 사용과 동아시아 인식 -고려의 양면 외교를 중심으로-

저자 : 윤은숙 ( Eun Sook Yoon )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 15권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 189-216 (28 pages)

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The replacement of Yuan Dynasty by Ming Dynasty at the end of the 14th century meant that East Asia returned to plural order. From such a point of view, King Gongmin of the Koryo Kingdom was not the one who followed simple diplomacy of `against Yuan and pro Ming`. At two-sided diplomacy under international situation that Yuan was replaced by Ming, King Gongmin adopted practical diplomatic policy by double-sided. After the fall of Yuan, East Asia kept power balance of North Yuan, Ming and Koryo Kingdom by remaining force of Yuan during a certain period so that Ming Dynasty only could not govern East Asia easily. The findings were as follow: Firstly, in 1356, `Murder case of Gi Family` started to take special innovation actions of King Gongmin`s policy that did not follow anti-Yuan policy. In the middle of the 14th century, Yuan was losing power, and it still kept its position of suzerain of giant power of Mongolia so that King Gongmin was unable to escape from system of Mongol Empire. Secondly, King Gongmin`s declaration of North Yuan did not mean simple line diplomatic route. The Koryo Kingdom`s declaration of North Yuan meant not severance of diplomatic relations with North Yuan but start of the relations with Ming. In 1369, the Koryo Kingdom broke off diplomatic relations with North Yuan in appearance and actually got in touch with North Yuan. King Gongmin opened diplomatic relations with Ming and also kept constant relations with North Yuan to seek for double-sided and practical diplomacy. Thirdly, diplomatic relations between Koryo and Ming was broken down because of Koryo to a certain degree. In 1371, Ming was consecutively defeated at the fighting against North Yuan so that it thought that Koryo informed North Yuan of situation in the name of dispatch of an envoy. The theory of Koryo`s involvement in Nagachu`s attack against Niujiazhuang(牛家莊) is thought be appropriate to a certain degree from point of view of King Gongmin`s diplomatic route at that time. The Koryo Kingdom severed diplomatic relations with Ming in 1374 to let Ming make change of attitudes toward Koryo in 1377 that occurred not by changes of internal situation of both countries but by practical diplomacy of Koryo. Considering East Asia` return to plural world, Koryo accepted North Yuan`s demand and had no idea to build up allied force: On the contrary, Koryo wanted to communicate with not only North Yuan but also Ming by resumption of diplomatic relations with Ming.

917세기 초 이스탄불 마할레(거주 공동체)의 외부인에 대한 대응

저자 : 이은정 ( Eun Jeong Yi )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 15권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 217-247 (31 pages)

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Urban mahalles of central Ottoman lands has been viewed as rather homogeneous, tightly-knit, and relatively unchanging. To have a fresh look at those apparently stable Ottoman mahalles, one may want to observe mahalles of a city for a particular time of distress in order to see what kind of problems they were faced with and in what ways they handled the problems. The early seventeenth century was exactly such a period in Istanbul, when myriads of immigrants flooded the city itself and its hinterlands in the aftermath of the Celali rebellions (1596-1609) in the Anatolian countryside. There were more non-Muslims than Muslims among the immigrants as indicated in the primary sources and secondary literature. While there was a visible increase in the number of Istanbul mahalles in the early 17th century probably due to the influx of immigrant population, the number of non-Muslim mahalles did not increase much. While non-Muslim mahalles must have accommodated non-Muslim newcomers, Muslim mahalles must have accommodated some as well. Religious homogeneity and exclusivity of mahalles may have been too excessively emphasized, as it is rather common to observe that some mahalles had mixed populations. Not only were Istanbul mahalles more mixed than expected, they were also quite open to newcomers as far as we can judge from the court cases (i.e. Seriye Sicilleri) of the period. Mahalles did have reasons for accepting newcomers, as they were faced with increased tax burdens of avariz (irregular taxes) and cizye(poll tax for non-Muslims), which were often communally collected, and as labor force was needed for those jobs not filled by Istanbulites. Mahalles seem to have wanted rich and morally upright newcomers in and potential troublemakers out, although it must not have been easy to distinguish between the two. It is shown in the expulsion cases that those expelled were supposed to find it easy to settle in a new mahalle. Especially, a certain Fatma Hatun who was of foul reputation was found to have been moving from mahalle to mahalle in a case of government inspection. It is clear that mahalles had complete power in the making of decisions regarding whether to take someone in or not, and the immediately affected neighbors or the co-religionists in the mahalle seem to have made crucial decisions.

10『몽골비사』속에 반영된 몽골의 전통의례(傳統儀禮) 고찰

저자 : 박환영 ( Hwan Young Park )

발행기관 : 중앙아시아학회 간행물 : 중앙아시아연구 15권 0호 발행 연도 : 2010 페이지 : pp. 249-270 (22 pages)

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As one of the most representative historical texts on Mongolia, "The Secret History of the Mongols" also contains folk nomadic culture in 13th century Mongolia and surrounding Inner Asian regions. Recently, interest increased enormously in investigating on "The Secret History of the Mongols" from various approaches, such as family, kinship, food, annual customs, animal symbols, etc. Yet further spheres still remain to be examined. In this respect, traditional Mongolian rituals are one of primary topics to be researched. It is apparent that through the investigation on traditional rituals reflected in "The Secret History of the Mongols" the living culture of Mongolians in the 13th century is clearly projected. Hence, in this article, I try to outline various aspects of folk culture concerning nomadic traditional rituals in 13th century Mongolian society which all can be found inside "The Secret History of the Mongols". By looking into traditional Mongolian rituals from folkloric perspectives, I deal with four major categories of traditional rituals inside "The Secret History of the Mongols". Namely rituals for establishing fictive kinship such as anda relations, some significant rites for one`s lifetime (i.e. rites of passage), religious rituals and rituals for annual customs as well as festivals are those four distinguished rituals inside the 13th century text. In particular, rituals for both establishing anda relationship and making arrangements are relatively fully described in this historical document. In addition, some examples describing rituals for sacred mountains and shamanic performances are given in this written historical text. Lastly, on the surface, the historical documents like "The Secret History of the Mongols" apparently seemed to focus only on the historical development of political matters such as alliance, dispute, campaign, conquest, etc. Nevertheless, in depth, it also contains various cultural elements which are often either symbolically described or highly compressed into several keywords. Therefore, in order to understand systematically the living culture in the past the comprehension of folk cultural elements inside historical texts has to precede. In this sense, some further researches on "The Secret History of the Mongols" from the standpoint of folkloristics are highly in demand.

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