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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(1965)~73권0호(2020) |수록논문 수 : 790
사림(성대사림)
73권0호(2020년 07월) 수록논문
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KCI등재

1고구려 졸본도읍기 왕성(王城)의 추이와 전승의 정비

저자 : 강진원 ( Kang Jin-won )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 73권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 1-30 (30 pages)

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At first, Goguryeo's royal family resided near the Village Gaolimuzi, and there was no royal castle at that time. Later, when king made a move to Mountain Wunu, they built a royal castle[Mountain fortress Wunu]. This was caused by the growing tensions between Goguryeo and Chinese forces. After the early days of Later Han dynasty, the King left the Mountain fortress Wunu and moved to his original dwelling place because the two states' relationship got stabilized.
Through embellishments, the present folk lore about Jolbon capital-period suggests that the progenitor's building the royal castle in Jolbon and his successor's transferring the capital to Gungnae reflect how stable the succession of kingship was. This is because later people came to have a stronger belief in that the state system got on the right track due to the early kings'rules. Its result was the combination of 'Jolbon-Castle Heulseunggol' and 'Gunnae-Castle Winaan.'

KCI등재

2신라 중고기 대왕-갈문왕 체제의 성립과 성골의 출현

저자 : 박수진 ( Park Soojin )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 73권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 31-52 (22 pages)

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Galmunwang(葛文王) of the middle ancient period(中古期) Silla has distinct characteristics different from the previous and later periods. The first is that all the king's younger brothers were installed as Galmunwang while they were alive. It is distinguished from the previous period, where the fathers of the king's mother and the queen were posthumously installed as Galmunwang. With the strengthening of the royal authority since the Nulji Maripgan(訥祇麻立干) period, it seems that from some point onward, the men of the Nulji Maripgan lineage were installed as Galmunwang while they were alive and became the king's political partner. Ipjong Galmunwang(立宗葛文王) appears after King Beopheung(法興王) in Bongpyeong Silla Stele in Uljin(蔚珍鳳坪新羅碑), and appears as the main agent of Gyo(敎) along with the King Beopheung and other nobles. Sukheuljong(肅訖宗) married Geumgwan Gaya(金官伽倻) lineage and played a decisive role in this lineage's close relationship with the royal family of the middle ancient period. The second characteristic is that only the descendants of the king (or great king) and Galmunwang were crowned king. King Jinheung(眞興王) was the child of Ipjong Galmunwang and King Jindeok(眞德王) was the child of Gukban Galmunwang(國飯葛文王).
The installation of king's younger brothers to Galmunwang while they are alive is an extension of the earlier perception. The fact that the father of king's mother and the queen was mostly Galmunwang also means that the king can only appear among the king's descendants. This is because most of the king's father was also king. Even when king's father was not a king, he was posthumously installed as Galmunwang to become a king. If the younger brother is installed as Galmunwang and becomes king, the succession to the throne is naturally possible only among the descendants of the great king-Galmunwang. This is also related to the Seonggol(聖骨, Sacred Bone), since it is considered that Seonggol is composed mainly of the family of the great king-Galmunwang. In the period of King Jinpyeong(眞平王), the phrase “聖骨男盡(There are no Seonggol men left)” appeared because there were no men among the descendants of King Jinpyeong and his younger brothers who were Galmunwang. In addition to installing a younger brother as Galmunwang, it seems that the previous system that posthumously installed the father of the king's mother and the queen as Galmunwang also partly continued.
If the younger brothers of the great king were installed as Galmunwang and assisted the king, and if the descendants of the great king and Galmunwang composed Seonggol and only they could ascend to the throne, it can be considered as a kind of the “great king-Galmunwang system.”

KCI등재

3신라 후비제의 비교사적 고찰 ― 정비(正妃)의 지위를 중심으로 ―

저자 : 이현주 ( Lee Hyunju )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 73권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 53-83 (31 pages)

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The system of queen and concubines(后妃制) is a hierarchical organization of women in the royal court, focusing on their relationship with the king. “Hoo-bi(后妃)” refers to the king's spouse, “the Queen(王后)” and concubines(後宮). The system of queen and concubines(后妃制) is a hierarchical system between the first Queen(正妃:王后) and concubines(後宮). The core of the system of queen and concubines(后妃制) is the status of the “the Queen(王后)”, who means “the first Queen(正妃)”.
Shilla's the system of queen and concubines(后妃制) accepted the system of the Tang Dynasty's system, but was actually reorganized and operated by Shilla's internal circumstances.
The Shilla in the Middle-Age period, the title of “Queen” was used to accommodate Tang's system of queen and concubines(后妃制). The title 'Queen(王后)' is a title that can only be used by one official spouse of the king. The royal family specialized in the status of using the title of “the Queen(王后)”, the king's formal spouse. This is an institutionalization of the difference between the status of the royal women and the aristocracy women. It also served as an opportunity for the establishment of a hierarchy within the ruling class.
The Shilla's acceptance of the system of queen and concubines(后妃制) was part of the reform through Tang's the system of decrees(律令制) and the Ritual System(禮制), and its purpose was to strengthen the royal authority. The royal court clarified its differentiation from other noble families through the title of “Queen” and Confucian rites for royal marriages. The royal family wanted to strengthen the royal authority through the Ritual System(禮制). Shilla's system of queen and concubines (后妃制) is an institutionalization of the hierarchy of royal women and aristocratic women, with the focus on the Queen(王后).
In the middle ages of Shilla, the title of “Queen(王后)” was accepted, and the status of “the first Queen(正妃)” was established. It was institutionalized in the last ages of Shilla as “the first queen(王后:正妃)-the other queen(諸妃:夫人)” system. This is the result of the deepening understanding of Tang's system and the establishment of system of queen and concubines(后妃制) in Shilla.
In addition, concubines(後宮:妾) are shown in historical records, which were not included in the system of queen and concubines(后妃制). The difference between Queen and concubine is social status. Shilla was a society based on a closed system of social status. Silla's system of queen and concubines(后妃制) was also operated within the system of the Golgum system(骨品制). so only women of the Jingolgwi tribe(眞骨) or higher were organized as the system of queen and concubines(后妃制).

KCI등재

4한국에서 자기 생산 기술의 도입과 확산에 대한 일고찰

저자 : 전용호 ( Jeon Yong-ho )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 73권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 85-127 (43 pages)

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Porcelain production technology was introduced to Korea from China as the powerful local clans got stronger between the Unified Silla and early Goryeo period. Zen sects, the nine-mountain schools of the Zen sect and tea culture became popular during the political chaos. Later, the Three Kingdoms were established and accordingly the demand for porcelain increased. It seemed that China could not properly block its porcelain production technology from flowing into Korea because China was also awash in the chaos of Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. Diverse powerful local clans on the Korean peninsula tried to strengthen their political influence by introducing porcelain production technology rather importing porcelains and thus accumulate economic wealth.
It is difficult to accurately define when the porcelain production was started in Korea because of insufficient data. However, it seems reasonable that the porcelain production would have started between late 9th century and early 10th century in accordance with the extensive deliberation on the background of the introduction of porcelain production technology in Korea and its expansion pattern.
The porcelain production technology was individually introduced from China to Korea through the routes independently explored by the political powers from the midwest and southwest regions of the Korean peninsula. The hubs of such introduction were Bangsan-dong, Siheung in the midwest region, and Dotong-ri, Jinan and Punggil-ri, Jangheung in the southwest region in accordance with the examination of teacups with a Korean-style halo-shaped foot and other teacups with halo-shaped feet (existing teacups with proto-pi-shaped feett and teacups with intermediate halo-shaped feet) found earlier.
The porcelain production system varied due to the difference in the exchange patterns with China. In the midwest region or Dotong-ri, Jinan, Chinese technicians came to Korea, built brick kilns and produced porcelain using those kilns. However, in the southwest region, including Jangheung or Gangjin, Korean potters went to China and learned the technology through the networks built by the marine activities of Jang Bogo and produced porcelain using the existing clay kilns.
However, in the late 10th century, when Goryeo unified during the late Three Kingdoms period and strengthened their control on local areas through the centralization of power, the existing hubs of porcelain production were moved to neighboring areas due to the extensive reorganization of sites. The hubs of porcelain production were expanded from Bangsan-dong, Siheung to Seo-ri, Yongin, and Jungam-ri, Yeoju, from Dotong-ri, Jinan to Yonggye-ri, Gochang, and from Punggil-ri, Jangheung to Yongwun-ri, Gangjin and Wundae-ri, Goheung. When the hubs were expanded to neighboring areas, the kilns were characterized by various kinds of operations and long operating periods. The period after mid-Goryeo could be considered as the stage when the hub of celadon production was completely settled to Yucheon-ri, Buan and Sadang-ri, Gangjin.

KCI등재

5조선 중기 시기 구분에 대한 검토 - 사족사회의 형성 문제를 중심으로 -

저자 : 송웅섭 ( Song Woongsup )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 73권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 129-153 (25 pages)

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This paper is a review of the aspects of the periodization of the mid-Joseon Period. Through this, the goal is to review how the mid-Joseon period is being set up. Currently, the periodization of the mid-Joseon period is not a single standard. Each researcher sets the mid-Joseon period to suit the purpose of the research. However, one of the main ways to distinguish the mid-Joseon Period is to distinguish the sarim based on their growth. In other words, the tendency to set the 16th and 17th centuries as the mid-Joseon period, in which the growth and development of Sarim takes place, is typical.
However, this method of distinguishing the period is not based on empirical analysis of the reality of the local community since the end of the Goryeo Dynasty. Rather, it is leaning on the political history of the Sarim faction's growth and development. As a result, the limit of the study of Sarim continues to be the limit of the method of setting the time in the middle of Chosun. Therefore, the more desirable setting of the mid-Joseon period should be based on empirical research on the local community since the end of the Goryeo Dynasty. In other words, the periodization needs to be adjusted based on the study of how the local noble family of the local community have gone through and established themselves as the ruling class leading the local community.

KCI등재

6고종의 경운궁 환궁과 러시아ㆍ일본 외교관의 시선

저자 : 김영수 ( Kim Young Soo )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 73권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 155-188 (34 pages)

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The negotiations between Russia and Japan proceeded as the organization of the Joseon army and Gojong's return to the Palace came together during the period of Agwan Pacheon. After Gojong's return to the Palace, the issue of training Korean troops over the protection of his personal affairs was a diplomatic issue. Russia insisted that it could carry out the organization of the Korean army on its own. Japan insisted that the Russo-Japanese jointly carry out the organization of the Korean Army. Eventually, the Russian Military Instructor arrived in October 1896 and selected 800 elite troops. Gojong was able to return to Gyeongwoong Palace in February 1897 when the Russian Palace Guard was organized.
At that time, there were various views of Gojong's return to the Palace.
Americans in Korea found that Gojong's return to the Palace was consistent with the goals of the pro-Japanese and the place of safety. In fact, Gyeongwoong Palace was immediately adjacent to the US legation, Russian legation and British Consulate General. Gojong was able to expect help from foreigners in Korea when faced with a crisis in the Jeongdong foreign area. If Gojong are in a hurry, Gojong can escape to Russian and US construction officials.
Kato, Japanese minister, argued that Gojong's return to the Palace was realized because of the Japanese government's idiomatic Korean strategy. The Russian documents differed in the view that King Gojong's return to the Palace was related to Gojong's cooperation with Russia, or Gojong's unilateral action. In the end, Gojong's return to the Palace was decided by the Joseon government's subjective will.
In February 1897, Gojong began the process of resolving the conflict between Russia and Japan and pursuing independent nations after Joseon Dynasty. Above all, Gojong's return to the Palace was linked to the future political activities of the Korean Empire and the Emperor.

KCI등재

7조선총독부 발행 1930~40년대 교과서의 보건ㆍ위생론

저자 : 최재성 ( Choe Jaeseong )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 73권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 189-222 (34 pages)

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The theory of health and sanitation in 1930s textbooks emphasizes arousing a sense of hygiene. This pointed to the Joseon people's hygiene, and they said to strive for the “public interest.” In the 1910s and 20s, the logic was that health and hygiene were necessary for filial piety, public interest and loyalty, but by the 1930s, filial piety and loyalty disappeared, and only “public interest” remained explicitly in textbooks. In addition, the description that the hygiene concept of Joseon people has not been spread still emphasizes the inferiority of Joseon people's spirit. Another popular health and hygiene theory in 1930s textbooks is the emphasis on cleaning. It also intended to foster the spirit of labor through cleaning, reflecting the reality of vocational education emphasized in the revised Joseon Education Ordinance. And the usual physical training is also the main content of health and hygiene theory of health and hygiene.
In the wartime system, a different theory of health and hygiene emerged than usual. Children needed health to grow into soldiers and producers. In addition, infectious diseases were recognized as cancerous to increase productivity, and they were also a major obstacle in avoiding air strikes in air defense shelters. Thus, injection was implemented as a preventive measure against epidemics, and the textbook included a unit called 'injection'. At the end of the Japanese Colonial Period, he emphasized the state again, stating that mental and physical health was a requirement for the good people of the imperial army.

KCI등재

84월혁명기 피학살자 기념사업과 그 의미

저자 : 이창현 ( Lee Chang-hyun )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 73권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 223-252 (30 pages)

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The study explores how the memorial activities for the victims of the massacre in South Korea were launched after the April Revolution (1960) and what it has historically meant. For this purpose, newspapers, private materials by the Bereaved Family Associations (1960-1961), official documents by the National Assembly and the Government, investigative reports by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Korea (2005-2010), etc. were analyzed and this paper was composed of 3 chapters - before the April Revolution, during the April Revolution and after the May 16 coup (1961).
After the April Revolution, the Bereaved Family Association was organized. They held a joint memorial service for the victims and built a mass grave. Such memorial activities were not only the funeral for the family but also the stage for disclosing illegality and brutality of the massacre. It menas that these movements broke the taboo of remaining silent on the massacres and challenged the national memory of the Korean War, which had been defined as the struggle against communism.

KCI등재

95ㆍ18항쟁기 '폭도(暴徒)'의 등장과 적용

저자 : 노영기 ( Noe Youngi Gi )

발행기관 : 수선사학회 간행물 : 사림(성대사림) 73권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 253-288 (36 pages)

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May 18 was defined as a riot, riot, and rebellion caused by rioters from the time of the uprising. The government, the military and the new military have reduced public protests during the so-called “Spring of Seoul” period to “rebellion under orders from North Korea or outside impure forces.” This served as the background of the nationwide expansion of emergency martial arts announced on May 17, 1980. In the meantime, in the process of suppressing protests and preparing for political mobilization of the military, martial law soldiers were given loyalty training and training. The same was true of the 7th Airborne Brigade troops deployed to the university district in Gwangju from May 18. The 7th Airborne Brigade captured each university on May 18 and violently arrested students. And from around 4 p.m. on the same day, it was deployed in downtown Gwangju for the purpose of suppressing the protests. The airborne troops stationed in downtown Gwangju suppressed the protests as hard as they suppressed the rioters, which provoked anger among citizens. As a result, the crackdown, which was tantamount to the day's “suppression of the riot,” sparked protests from citizens. Citizens actively opposed the violence of airborne troops, and the military began to define these citizens as 'tyrants'. The military's firing and sacrifice, which began on the night of May 20, brought about active resistance from citizens. Citizens demanded the withdrawal of airborne troops, but the military began to fire, defining them as “tyrants.” Since then, citizens have resisted armed resistance with the aim of immediately responding to the firing of martial law forces. Since then, the military has defined Gwangju as a “tyrant” and isolated it as a lawless city occupied by “tyrant” while separating the citizens into “tyrant” and “citizens.”
During the May 18 uprising, the military's “violence” theory was a justification for national violence. The military used violence against the nation by denouncing citizens as “violence” and “rehabilitation of public order” and “maintenance of public order.” The military's violent suppression and firing was the nation's specific response to the “tyrant.” Against the military's distortion and response to violence, citizens had to prove that they were not “bullying.” That's why citizens had to shout slogans like, “We are not mobs” throughout the uprising. As a result, the military's 'violence' rule, which emerged during the May 18 uprising, served as the basis for 'non-civilization' and as a basis for justifying national violence by acting as a background for the military's killing and suppression of force.

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