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The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches

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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(1996)~129권0호(2020) |수록논문 수 : 1,500
중국사연구
129권0호(2020년 12월) 수록논문
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1전진(前秦) 동진(東晋) 대립기(對立期)의 양양지역(襄陽地域) 불교(佛敎) -도안승단(道安僧團)을 중심(中心)으로

저자 : 安洵亨

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 129권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 1-19 (19 pages)

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道安脱离以大城市为主的布教, 直接向义学僧和民众讲解佛典, 努力使佛教本土化. 为此打下基础的地方就是南北的境界空间襄阳. 在本文中, 考察了襄阳的便利交通网络、道安的襄阳移居和在此定居的理由、在襄阳的活动情况.
在第二节中, 通过在襄阳地区构筑的交通网, 了解了这个地方是一个地缘政治点. 在南北长期对立的情况下, 军事远征、商业交易、流民移动等通过这里实现了很多. 襄阳西北部的'商山-武关道'是通往关中的最短路线. 北部是通往洛阳、邺城的'南洋隘碍道'. 襄阳就成为中原文化和外来佛教传播江南的通道. 在南侧, 横跨江汉平原的水陆交通非常发达. 南方的珍贵品和东南亚诸国的文化也沿着这条路线传到北方. 在西边, 逆沔水而上, 与关中、汉中相通. 当江南王朝通过关中不能与西域交往时, 从襄阳经梁州→仇池→涼州与西边往来.
在第三节中, 我们了解了道安之前在襄阳的佛教流传、道安僧团的襄阳移住及其原因. 后汉的安世高为躲避洛阳的战乱, 在䢼亭湖、豫章、广州等地教化着, 南下时经过襄阳的可能性较大. 西晋时期, '樊阳'出身的訶罗竭在洛阳从事诵经、斗陀行、治病等工作, 天竺的耆域从广州经襄阳前往洛阳. 竺法慧是在襄阳第一个布教的汉人僧, 康帝时住过襄阳的羊叔子寺. 另外, 在道安之前有了白马寺, 竺法汰在江陵与道恒就'心无义'争论了, 这也说明在襄阳地区已经流传了一定程度的佛教.
道安在濩泽探索禅经, 在飞龙山拒绝'格义', 以修建几座寺塔, 成长为河北佛教界的领袖. 当河北地区的混乱时, 率领僧团南下了襄阳. 虽然对于他的南下时期, 存在着354年说和365年说. 他在354年应慕容俊之邀请, 回到了邺都的受都寺. 之后, 当前燕再次陷入混乱时, 经过南方的牵口山、王屋山、陆浑山, 到365年到着了襄阳.
道安在襄阳通过15年的活动, 使这里成为4世纪下半叶佛教界的中心地. 他之所以没有南下江陵或建康: 第一, 直到4世纪中叶为止, 汉地佛教界的中心仍然在北方. 第二, 襄阳便利的交通网有利于与各地僧团的交流. 第三, '寒门'出身的道安个人身份的局限和晚渡时间的限制.
在第四节中, 将襄阳的活动分为考察了以佛典的研究、整理和僧团的扩大. 他在河北研究禅经, 对它写了注释和序文, 并以研究、讲授般若经, 崭露了头角. 如果有了怀疑试图通过兜率相生来解决于弥勒. 在此过程中, 他的弥勒信仰进一步深化, 移居长安之后也得以继续. 此外, 『综理众经目录』的基础也已在襄阳完成. 该经录并非东晋康宁二年(374)完成的, 而是他在移居长安之后也继续补充的.
道安在襄阳通过整顿戒律扩大了教势, 严格控制了僧团秩序. 又通过与世俗支配层紧密交流, 获得了维持僧团所需的物质基础. 这是自己实践了在混乱的时期阐明“要维持和弘扬佛法, 就要依靠国主”的事实. 他为了僧团的控制和团结, 整顿律藏, 还自行制定了'僧律'以补充不完善的戒律. 他对僧团的严格指导, 到了晚年也坚持着, 并影响了各地的门徒, 从而保持了僧团的同质性.

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2소그드 석장구(石葬具) 발견 현황과 구미(歐美)의 연구사(硏究史)

저자 : 沈盈伸 ( Shim Yeoung Shin )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 129권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 39-56 (18 pages)

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This paper examines the research status of Sino-Sogdian art in western academia from the early 20th century to the present day and introduces Sino-Sogdian artworks. Sino-Sogdian art refers to funerary monuments unearthed from Sogdian tombs in the late 6th century in China. The Sogdians, well-known for their trading on the Silk Road, moved to mainland China from the 2nd century A.D.
When a Sogdian funerary couch appeared in the Western art market for the first time in the early 20th century, western art historians immediately showed interest in it. However, they did not understand its character accurately. In late 1982, a stone couch was excavated in Tiansui, Gansu province, but Chinese scholars did not recognize its value. When another stone couch appeared in the New York art market in 1991, scholars disputed this work's authenticity.
The couches' authenticity was resolved through the excavation of tombs of Yu Hong in 1999, An Jia in 2000, Shi Jun in 2003, and Kang Ye in 2004 together with couches and epitaph tablets. In addition to the Western researchers such as Boris Marshak, Albert Dien, Annette Juliano, Judith Lerner, and Frantz Grenet, who led the study of Sino-Sogdian art until then, Chinese scholars have begun full-scale research, triggering Chinese academia's interest.
Due to academic exchanges conducted between Western and Chinese researchers, understanding the Sogdians and their history and culture is getting deeper. Now is the time to establish new perspectives and directions for future research advances. So far, research has been based on Chinese-centered thinking, so it seems a Sogdian-centered view is needed. It is not time to look at how the Sogdians assimilated into Chinese culture and disappeared, but what the Sogdians experienced in multi-ethnic, multicultural Chinese society in the late 6th century and how they played a role in the development of Chinese history and culture.

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3평로절도사(平盧節度使) 이사고(李師古)와 주변(周邊) 번진(藩鎭)의 관계

저자 : 鄭炳俊

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 129권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 79-107 (29 pages)

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李师古的父亲平卢节度使李纳, 与河北叁镇一起引发四王之乱并在德宗屈服后(贞元年间), 停止了与朝廷的直接对决. 然而, 他即使一边完全享受着德宗为怀柔(政策)而降下的恩泽, 另一边依旧没有放下叛逆的态度. 这种兩面性在李纳和周边藩镇的关係中也显露了出来. 如果将《旧唐书》卷144阳惠元传中的表达稍作变化, 他们则是“急之则合谋,缓之则嫌衅自作”.
果然, 继承李纳的平卢节度使李师古即使一边表面上遵奉朝廷之命, 内心则总是怀着侵夺周边之意. 这就是所谓的李师古塬封不动继承了李纳的方针. 另一边, 德宗不管李师古兩面的态度, 像对李纳一样持续降下恩泽, 抬高他的地位. 李纳和德宗间肉眼可见的关係在李师古时期也这样继续着. 李师古的这种态度在周边藩镇亦可见. 即, 在李师古成为平卢节度使初期, 成德节度使王武俊侵夺平卢等事. 众强藩也在李师古时期表现出兩面的态度.
在李师古时期, 如果藩镇间起分争, 德宗也会主动介入, 摆平状况. 这不仅是因为比起任何事来说, 众藩镇的安静对唐朝的安宁起到帮助, 也有利于针对自身推动的一般藩镇的改革政策.

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4당대(唐代) 재이현상(災異現像)에 대한 새로운 인식 -『구당서(舊唐書)』 「오행지(五行志)」 역주-

저자 : 金漢信 ( Kim¸ Han Shin )

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 129권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 109-128 (20 pages)

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This article mainly examines the theory of calamity as a warning signal during the medieval period of Chinese history. Through carrying out the annotated translation of the Jiutangshu(舊唐書) Wuxingzhi(五行志), in particular, this research shows us that there were significant changes in their perspectives on the conventional correlative cosmology. The Chinese people of the Tang Dynasty, who built up the great cosmopolitan empire, had come to interpret the phenomena of nature like the natural disasters from a new angle. Since the Dong Zhongshu(董仲舒) of the Han Dynasty compiled all the different ideas about the ancient correlative cosmologies like the theory of Yin and Yang and theory of the Five Elements(五行) into a systematic and powerful theory, there had been no noticeable change in the Chinese perspective on nature until the Tang Chinese came to have different view on it.
The opinions of the Tang court officials like Yu Zhining(于志寧) and Cen Wenben(岑文本) on the natural disasters which had occurred during the early period of Tang Dynasty, in particular, exemplified their new and changed view on nature. They argued that natural disasters did not necessarily result from the sovereign's failures in his rule, which were distinctly different from the Dong Zhongshu's ideas. On the other hand, other court officials of roughly the same period like Yu Wenjun(俞文俊) and Song Wuguang(宋務光) suggested significantly different comments on the natural disasters. From their perspectives, the natural calamities like the flooding happened because the sovereignty of the Empress Dowager Wu (武則天) and the Empress Dowager Wei (韋后) lacked the legitimacy. Even though their ideas had similar aspects with the Dong Zhongshu's, their opinion also had considerable differences from the schematic model of correlative cosmology. They just tried to oppose the rule of the female sovereigns. To sum up, the early Tang elites were relatively free from the ancient theory of calamity as a warning signal(災異論) and suggested diverse approaches to the interpretation of the natural disorders.
Consequently, the annotated translation of the Jiutangshu(舊唐書) Wuxingzhi(五行志) shows us that the Tang Chinese began to depart from the conventional understanding of the universe and take quite different views of it.

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5晚清司法档案叙事迷雾及其辨明 -以龙泉档案为例

저자 : 시에차오

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 129권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 151-167 (17 pages)

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사법(司法) 당안(档案)의 자료를 기본적으로는 역사적 서술이라고 이해할 수 있지만, 내용적인 면에서 당안의 서술이 진실의 일면을 갖고 있음과 동시에 허구적 정황을 담고 있는 측면도 적지 않음을 간과해서는 안된다.
사법 당안에 대한 연구를 하기 위해서는 당안 속에 담겨 있는 지면상의 문자를 자세히 살펴보아야 할 뿐 아니라 당안 이외의 자료의 도움을 더하여 법률적 사실에 접근하려고 해야 한다.
서술된 내용의 의미에 대해서는 사료라는 차원에서 동등한 지위를 부여해야 마땅하며, 당안의 당사자가 직접 구술한 이야기라 하더라도 그 본의가 어떠한 지에 근거하여 법률적 사실을 찾으려고 노력해야 한다.
서술된 내용을 제대로 이해하기 위해서는 당안 자체가 문자라는 매개체를 이용하여 당사자의 이야기를 기록으로 옮겨놓은 것임을 분명히 인식해야 한다.
문자로 옮겨 기록하는 과정에서 사실상의 정보를 누락할 수 있다는 점을 잘 추적해야 할 뿐만 아니라, 주관적인 설정도 당연히 개입되어 있을 것임을 가정하고 이를 극복하기 위해 노력해야 한다.
따라서 당사자들이 진술한 구절 하나하나에 대하여 마이크로 현미경과 같은 정교한 시각을 통해 관찰하여 생생한 법률적 사실을 찾기위해 최선의 노력을 기울여야 한다.

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In mid-nineteenth century, Chinese had Sinocentrism, they did not prefer to go abroad consciously or unconsciously. Furthermore, the law was so strict that it was hard to choose to go abroad. However, as the population exploded during the Emperor Qianlong period, the shortage of arable land and the rapid increase of unemployed people forced Chinese workers into go abroad, but large-scale migration did not happen easily. Meanwhile, the Opium War loosened the control of Qing Dynasty, and foreign merchants took advantage of the Chinese situation to operate a human trafficking-type migration project called Coolie-Trade. However, Great Britain, whose current account balance was deteriorating due to the rapid industrialization, needed the huge Chinese market, so they could not carry out illegal coolie trade because they were afraid of the Chinese turning their back on them.
The Anglo-French Allied Forces, which occupied Guangzhou in the Second Opium War, pressured the Guangzhou government to legalize the coolie immigration. The result was 12 articles of Lao chong-guang's immigration regulation. This regulation was made under the influence of immigration rules that existed in Guangzhou, and the main point was to prevent human trafficking and not to prevent immigrants who wanted to leave the country. Lao chong-guang tried to eradicate human trafficking by using this regulation, and English planned a large-scale migration that would not make a bad impression on the Chinese. Lao chong-guang needed this regulation to keep the unwanted out, and English needed it to get the desired out, but each other's purpose was to eradicate human trafficking. Although there is no better realization of the coolie immigration through this regulation than coolie trade, and even if coolie trade has not been eradicated since the enactment of this regulation, it must have been the first law designed to stop coolie trade, which has had a significant impact on the flow of Chinese migration.

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7『後漢書』 「五行志」 譯註 Ⅵ

저자 : 洪承賢

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 129권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 197-224 (28 pages)

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8篳路藍縷 十年一劍 -評侯傑等著『女性與近代天津』(北京: 人民出版社,2019)

저자 : 李淨昉

발행기관 : 중국사학회 간행물 : 중국사연구 129권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 225-229 (5 pages)

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1연안해역에서 석유오염물질의 세균학적 분해에 관한 연구

(2006)홍길동 외 1명심리학41회 피인용

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