This study researches the conflict between Sunnites and Shi'a in modern Islam and their surviving strategy focusing on the process of conflict's expansion between them, the political antagonism between them, their surviving strategy, and the future of sectarian conflict. It also examines the process of establishing Shi'a identity and its political pragmatism, competition of sectarian initiative between them, and upsurging sectarian conflict between them and fixation of their polarization. As for the current sectarian polarization, both sects must be blamed. Arab Sunnite states blame Shi'a Iran, and Iran also blames the United States, Israel, and Arab Sunnite states, above all Saudi Arabia. Since the Arab Spring Iran has tried to enlarge Shi'a Crescent Belt and fed sectarian conflict flames in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen. Saudi Arabia regards Iran's foreign policies as sectarian and expansionist. Iran regards the rise of Sunnite Islamism, jihadism, and Wahhabism organizations, including IS and al-Qaeda, as a reason of its political intervention into Syria and the current situation of sectarian polarization in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen. After demolition of IS, the sectarian conflicts has become more severe. So the longer these sectarian conflicts endure, the stronger the sectarian polarization will be.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the works and fatwas of Ibn Taymiyya(1263-1328) against Shi'a sects such as Ithnā 'ashariyya, Ismā'iliyya, and Nuṣayriyya. This paper also seeks to examine how modern extreme sunni militant groups used his anti-Shia discourse to justify their violence or terrorism against Shia Muslims.
It is well known that Ibn Taymiyya is one of the medieval Sunni scholars most widely consulted by modern-day Islamists to justify their sectarian violence. And he used very rigid concept of takfir to legally rule that Shiites are unbelievers and apostates. He also called them rāfiḍa, ghulāt, munāfiq, mushrik, mu'āwin to emphasize the negative aspects of Shi'ites. And it can be seen that his views on Shi'ites are repeatedly used in al-Zarqāwī's speech and Dabiq, the ISIS's propaganda magazine.

무함마드 모사데크, 아부 마흐디 알-무한디스, 이란 혁명, 이란 핵협상, 까심 솔레이마니

Due to a United States drone air strike near Baghdad International Airport on January 3rd, 2020, Qasem Soleimani, commander of the Quds Forces, was assassinated along with nine other people including Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, commander of the Iran-backed Kata'ib Hezbollah militia. The military operation was condemned by the Iranian government and many superpowers because Soleimani was not a non-state actor such as Osama bin Laden, but a state actor. Despite anticipated international condemnation and opprobrium, the Trump administration resolutely embarked on taking controversial and dangerous military action against Iran. Soleimani's killing by the U.S. government sharply escalated tensions between the U.S. and Iran and stoked fears of military conflict, which in the end did not take place.
This study will look into the historical context of bilateral relations between the U.S. and Iran. This historical approach will help the reader understand that this military operation did not simply occur with the escalation of political tensions between the two countries. It was the result of a long history based on distrust and antagonism between the U.S. and Iran since 1953.

There are various perspectives in explaining the Abraham Accords signed at the White House in September 2020. Not a few Western and domestic scholars are likely to analyze the peace mood between Israel and the Arab world on the basis of the reestablishment of a regional political order of building an anti-Iran alliance. But the study is based on the hypothesis that domestic political factors play a crucial role in the recent Gulf states' surprise peace treaty with Israel. To that end, this study conducted three types of quantitative and qualitative analysis in order to find out the real background behind the normalization of Israel-UAE and Bahrain relations: measuring the number of news articles related with the Accords from Google News; measuring the frequency of nouns, proper nouns, and adjectives from selected eight sample research articles; and drawing co-occurrence of words of the collected data above. The above three analyses show that the Arab-Israeli detente has a more significant causal relationship with the independent variables of regional security rather than domestic regime security.

The hopes and burdens of getting my own home exist not only in Korean society but all over the world. Real buyers who dream of becoming future homeowners will mostly use mortgages or mortgage loans to finance their home purchases. Meanwhile, in the Islamic areas, Ribā(interest) transactions are prohibited under Islamic law Sharīʿah, so Muslims cannot use the Western way of raising funds while paying interest. Muslims can finance for their house through the Islamic Bank. At this time, the 'al-ʾ ijārah(lease) completed by ownership' method is used.
Recently, the Seoul Metropolitan Government and the government announced plans to supply 'sharing house ownership' as part of their real estate measures. This method is considered a new one that has never been presented before. This study seeks to compare the structure of 'sharing ownership of house' in Korea and 'al-ʾijārah completed by ownership' in Islam to present the similarities.

This study set out to analyze the work of Egyptian novelists, dealing with social issues in Egypt during the Mubārak regime and the citizens' consciousness changes and social movements before the people's revolution in 2011. For the purpose of research, the investigator selected ʿAlāʾ al-Aswānī's The Yacoubian Building, Khālid al-Khamīsī's Taxi, and Muḥammad Salmāwī's Butterfly Wings among novels set in Egypt under Mubārak's rule.
This study analyzed these three novels based on the sociology theory of literature, which states that the situations of a society during a certain period can be figured out through literary work from that period. Following that sociology theory of literature by Georg Lukacs, which states that a writer's ideas, experiences, and views were reflected in his or her work, the investigator examined the creative worlds of the three writers and analyzed the content of their novels.
Conclusion shows the following findings based on these discussions: Egypt had prominent social issues, such as the oppression of human rights, control of the press, prevalence and fixedness of corruption, and polarization and inequality among the social classes, under the dictatorial regime based on the analysis results of the three pieces of literature. The citizens' disillusionment about mundane rule, expectations for an Islamic system, and civil social movement for democratization depicted in the work is considered signs for the people's revolution of 2011.

The Hui-hui-guan-yi-yu(回回館譯語) is the Persian volume of Hua-yi-yi-yu, the "Chinese-Barbarian Dictionary" of the Bureau of Translators which was compiled during the Ming - Qing period. The purpose of this study is to analyze the Persian phonology in the 15th century in historical linguistic perspective as well as the characteristics of the Hui-hui-guan-yi-yu, especially concentrating on the first category of the volume.
The findings from the analysis of the Hui-hui-guan-yi-yu show that those who transctibe or copy the volume do not have fluency in Persian language. Moreover, every vowel has been distinctively transcribed based on the consonants it precedes. The pronunciation of those vowels has been changed compared to the present pronunciation and it regularily shows vowel lowering, which can be the evidence for sub-categorization of New Persian. In addition, this document shows the different usage of the vocabulary in 15th century and the present.