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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(1994)~99권0호(2019) |수록논문 수 : 1,291
군사논단
99권0호(2019년 09월) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
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1한미동맹에 대한 이해 - 전략적 소통의 재구축 및 활용에 대한 필요성 -

저자 : 롤랜도B.윌슨 ( Roland B. Wilson )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 99권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 11-35 (25 pages)

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북한의 장기적인 의도 및 목표를 둘러싼 불확실성이 증대되고 중국과 러시아의 호전성이 증폭되는 가운데 한미 동맹의 안정성에 대한 우려가 늘어나고 있다. 직접적으로 언급하자면 한미 연합사령부, 유엔군사령부 및 주한미군사령부를 포함한 다양한 한국 주재 타국 사령부의 근본적인 문제가 붉어지고 있다. 다시 말해 상기 언급한 타국 사령부 및 병력의 한국 주둔의 필요성 및 임무에 대한 근본적인 궁금증이 있으며 과연 이들 사령부가 한반도 및 동북아지역에 평화를 방해하는 요소로 작용하는 지에 대한 답변이 필요하다. 마지막으로 상기 사령부의 국내 주둔이 한국의 주권 침해로 이어지는지에 대한 성찰도 필요하다.
본 논문의 목표는 한미동맹 및 상기 언급된 사령부의 현안 또는 잠정적인 역활과 기능을 단순히 식별하는 것이 아니다. 또한 본 논문은 현재 북한과의 장기적사회분쟁(Protracted Social Conflict: PSC) 또는 비핵화 및 평화 가능성에 대한 연구가 아니다. 본 논문을 통한 본 저자의 입장은 한국과 북한, 중국, 러시아 및 타국과의 관계와는 별도로 한미군사동맹과 동맹군 사령부의 국내 주둔이 미치는 긍정적인 영향이 여전히 유효하다는 것이다. 본 논문은 이러한 한미동맹의 효용성 대한 재해석과 동맹군 사령부 목적의 구체화 및 한국 및 동북아 지역내 한미동맹의 긍정적인 효과에 대한 함구가 필요하다는 점을 시사하고 있다. 추가적으로 이러한 한미동맹에 대한 새로운 이해를 효과적으로 알릴 필요가 있다. 이를 위해서는 한미동맹의 모든 주체가 소통방법에 대한 방법을 다시 검토할 필요가 있으며 “전략적 소통”이 어떻게 지속적으로 이루어 질 수 있는지에 대한 고려가 필요하다. 전략적 소통을 위해서는 소통대상에게 소통주체의 의도된 목표를 이해시키기 위한 통합적인 노력이 필요하며 성공적인 소통을 위해 적절한 소통 양식 및 측정가능한 결과를 인지하는 것이 필수적이다. 전략적 소통은 전달하는 메시지에 대한 이해뿐만 아니라 메시지를 전달받는 이의 아이덴티티, 문화, 입장 및 힘의 관계에 대한 이해가 구축된 가운데 이루어 질 수 있다.


With lingering uncertainty surrounding North Korea and its long-term intentions and goals, and the increasing aggressiveness of China and Russia, there seems to be growing concerns about the stability of the alliance between the Republic of Korea and the United States (ROK-US Alliance). More directly, there are fundamental issues concerning the various foreign commands stationed in the Republic of Korea (ROK) including the Combined Forces Command (CFC), United Nations Command (UNC) and United States Forces Command (USFK). In other words, is there a need for these foreign commands and forces to be stationed in the ROK both now and in the future? What are the missions of these commands? Are these commands a hindrance to peace on the Korean Peninsula and in the greater region? Finally, do these commands with the stationing of forces affect the sovereignty of South Korea?
The goal of this paper is not to identify what the current issues or potential future roles and functions the ROK-US Military Alliance and the various commands could have nor to argue the merits each of these roles and functions have. This paper will also not look at the current protracted social conflict (PSC) with North Korea or the likelihood of denuclearization and peace. Instead, this paper takes the position that regardless of the ROK's relationship with North Korea, China, Russia and other countries within and outside the region, the various positive reasons for the overall ROK-US Military Alliance and the stationing of various commands and forces will continue to remain valid. This paper will argue instead that there needs to be a new understanding of the utility of this alliance, an elucidation of the purpose that these commands and forces have, and how their continued presence positively impacts Korea and the region. Moreover, there must be renewed efforts to effectively disseminate this new understanding. Yet, to do so will require all parties in the alliance to take a look at their methods of communication, and redevelop and constantly hone what can be categorized as “strategic communications.” Strategic communications which are the combined efforts to understand the target audience, the intended goals of the communicator, knowing the proper format and the measurable outcomes one hopes to achieve in order to successfully provide communications. Strategic communications also include a thorough understanding of the messages to be given, along with the identity, culture, position and power of all those involved not just by those who convey the messages, but by those who will be the receivers of those messages.

2동해 병기문제가 한미동맹에 미치는 영향

저자 : 최양선 ( Choi Yang-sun )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 99권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 36-78 (43 pages)

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한국과 일본은 한반도와 일본열도 사이에 위치한 바다의 국제적 공식 명칭을 둘러싸고 첨예한 논쟁을 벌이고 있다. 국제적으로, 2개국 이상이 공유한 지형에 대한 지명은 관계 당사국 간의 합의에 따라 결정하고, 합의가 불가능할 경우에는 각국에서 사용하는 지명을 병기하도록 하고 있다.
1921년에 설립된 국제수로국(IHB)은 1929년에 바다와 해양의 경계(S-23)라는 책자를 출간하였다. 출간된 이 책자에 씌여진 일본해를 바탕으로 일본해는 국제사회에서 일반적으로 널리 쓰이게 되었다. 그리고 이 S-23의 제 2판(1937년)과 제 3판(1953년)판이 순차적으로 발간되었을 때도 일본해는 지속적으로 표기되었다. 불행하게도, 한국은 이 시기에 일제강점기(1910~1945)와 6.25 전쟁(1950~1953)을 겪고 있어서 동해 바다에 대한 국제적 지명 결정에 참여할 수 없었다.
한국 정부는 1991년 유엔에 가입한 후, 1992년 유엔에서 국제사회에 동해 표기의 문제를 제기하기 시작하였다. 유엔지명표준화회의(UNCSGN)에서 북한 대표도 '동해' 명칭에 동의하였었다. 그 이후 지속적으로 한국 정부는 동해의 바다 이름을 되찾으려 노력해 왔다. 국제사회가 기억해야 할 한 가지는 일본이 일제강점기 기간 한국에서 동해라는 바다 이름뿐만 아니라 국가의 이름, 개인의 이름 심지어는 언어 등 수 많은 것들을 강탈했다는 것이다.
한국과 북한은 동해 명칭 회복을 위해 노력했지만, 일본은 원상회복을 원하지 않고 있다. 이러한 동해 병기문제는 단순히 한국과 일본 사이의 문제만이 아니라 역사적으로 미국도 관계되어 있다. 이 동해 병기문제는 동아시아에서 한·미·일간의 역사를 통해 탄생한 것이며, 한·미·일 3국 관계를 악화시키고 있다. 미국은 한미 동맹을 위해 일정 수준의 건설적 역할을 해야만 한다고 본다.


The sea, located between the Korean peninsula and the Japanese Archipelago, is at the center of acute controversies surrounding its international official name between Korea and Japan. Internationally, it is recommended that the geographical name of the topographical feature shared with two or more countries should be decided according to the agreement of the involved parties and if impossible, names used in each country should be marked side by side.
International Hydrographic Bureau(IHB), being established in 1921 and published a book, Limits of Oceans and Seas(S-23) in 1929. On the basis of this book, the Sea of Japan as a dominant appellation was commonly adopted in international society. The second(1937) and the third(1953) edition of S-23 were published in turns, still, yet the sea was recorded as Sea of Japan appellation in the books. Unfortunately, Korea was under the Japanese colonial rule(1910~1945) and went through a civil war(1950~1953) at that time, Korea was not able to take part in the decision-making progress.
It was not until 1992 after entering the United Nation in 1991 that the Korean government raised the issue of East Sea appellation officially toward international society at the United Nations Conference on the Standardization of Geographical Names (UNCSGN). Also, North Korea representative concurred the 'East Sea' at that time. From that time onward, the Korean government has kept trying to recover the sea name of the East Sea. One thing the international community should remember is that Japan took away from Korea during the colonial period not only the sea name of East Sea, but also by countless others, including its national name, individual names and even language itself.
South and North Korea have tried for the recovery, but Japan did not want to restore it. This dual naming issue is related to the United States in history, and not simply a question of between Japan and Korea. This issue is created throughout the history of Korea, U.S., and Japan in North East Asia, and deteriorating the trilateral relationship. U.S. should do some constructive role for the ROK-US alliance.

3베를린장벽 붕괴 30주년과 한반도 평화통일

저자 : 장삼열 ( Jang Sam-yeol )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 99권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 79-109 (31 pages)

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This year marks the 30th anniversary of the collapse of the Berlin Wall in Germany, a representative product of the Cold War. 1961 East Germany, under Soviet rule, has constructed the Berlin Wall with the aim of controlling the escape of its people since 1961.
The West German government has instilled the East German people's desire to liberalize while promoting various exchanges with East Germany. The civil revolution of East German citizen brought down the Brandenburg Wall that blocked East and West Germany in a moment on Nov. 9, 1989. Of course, it was not intended from the start, but it suddenly collapsed due to a slip of the tongue by a party's press secretary.
Although the cause of Korea's division is different from that of Germany, the peaceful unification of the Germany suggests much to us, who are still suffering from the pain of division. This paper highlighted some important issues based on the fact; what policies the Germany pursued, how the Berlin Wall collapsed and how the miraculous German unification achieved in short time.
West German leaders have broken the Berlin Wall as a result of their consistent policies based on outstanding diplomacy, superior economic power, and reciprocity principles.
Using the lessons learned of the fall of the Berlin Wall, Germany's unification policy outlined its implications for peaceful unification of the Korean Peninsula. I hope this paper will help achieve denuclearization of North Korea and permanent peace on the Korean Peninsula in the future..

4해양력 증강을 위한 민간인력 및 선박 동원 사례 연구

저자 : 고시성 ( Ko Si-seong )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 99권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 110-140 (31 pages)

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In the case of historical examples all over the world, the core of maritime power is the seafaring force, and it has been the naval and civilian seafarers that have supported the maritime power of our country so far. In accordance with the changes in the strategic environment of the future, Korea needs to strengthen its maritime powers and prepare a comprehensive national maritime strategy and policies to prepare for disputes in East Asia.
The purpose of this study is to analyze the implications of civilian manpower and ship mobilization plans and cases, and to prepare alternatives for strengthening maritime power. The results of the study are as follows.
First, it is required to maintain and develop the reserve system for the on-board service. The vesting reserve system has been developed as a core policy for the maintenance and survival of marine personnel that has been in operation since 1958 for more than half a century. On the other hand, the reserve workforce is a manpower to support the Navy while operating a ship mobilizing in a state emergency, unlike other military service personnel.
Second, the military education of marine students should be strengthened to carry out the mission of municipal emergency mobilization perfectly, and the military education and traps training for marine school students should be strengthened so that the mission of municipal emergency mobilization can be carried out perfectly.
Third, it is necessary to make a naval manpower with mobilization power. Our naval forces are showing a remarkable decline compared to the neighboring countries, and it is very important to make the naval force as the fourth group of civilian manpower.

5사이버 작전의 국제법적 검토

저자 : 백민정 ( Paik Min-jung )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 99권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 141-156 (16 pages)

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As of 2019, the US and China seem to invest heavily in order to become a winner in the cyber war domain. Although it is difficult to predict which state will end up dominating the technology, the majority opinion is that the US will remain as a sole leader in the law making sector in cyber operation. In 2015, the US Department of Defense released a document, "Law of War Manual", which can be considered as a developed version of the Tallinn Manual, first issued in 2013. In fact, the Tallinn Manual has recognized the legitimacy on the proportionate, counter-attack to the kinetic damage by cyber operation.
The US Law of War Manual takes one step further in providing the legal ground for more of offensive cyber operation. The manual indicates that it can consider cyber attack as a use of force, though the result of attack lacks any kinetic damage. In addition, the US Department of Defense newly announced "DOD Cyber Strategy" in 2018 and expressed that the US Cyber Command intends to "defend forward" in cyberspace.
It means that the US DOD is now willing to stop and disrupt malicious cyber activities in "real-time", even when the threat is detected outside the state's network. Regarding this new concept, the US DOD shares its self-assessment, commenting that the US cyber strategy is taking a stance that is rather offensive and innovative. In 2018 strategy, it states that "We will defend forward to disrupt or halt malicious cyber activity at its source, including activity that falls below the level of armed conflict."
Analysis on this statement is that the US is now sharing its vision to preemptively defend its sovereignty against the grey zone activities, that fall short of the conventional armed conflict. A debate on whether the concept of "defending forward" can be considered as a response measure out of "preemptive strike" or "preventive self-defense" allowed in international law is introduced. As one can observe the US and China may compete on many grounds, for example in building the military power and etc, however, on shaping the international norm for cyber issues, the US is indeed taking the lead. And, even in near future as of 2040, the US is likely to remain as a superpower in developing rules especially in offensive cyber defense.

6대한민국임시정부의 항일 독립전쟁 성과 고찰 - 독립전쟁론의 관점에서 -

저자 : 김승기 ( Kim Seung-gi )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 99권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 157-189 (33 pages)

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The purpose of this paper is to review the performance of the war of independence against the Japanese Empire performed by the Korea Provisional Government created in the China in the period of Japanese Empire's colonial rule of Korea.
The scope of this study is from 1907 when the military of the Korean Empire was forcibly dispersed by Japanese imperialists until 1945 when Japan lost the Pacific War, surrendered to the Allies unconditionally and Korea recovered its independence.
The focus of research of this paper are 3 points as follows. First, what is the theory of anti-Japanese war of independence established by the Korean people who lost their sovereignty to Japan? Second, how did the Korea Provisional Government apply this theory of war of independence in the process of anti-Japanese war of independence? Third, how much did the war of independence excuted by the Korea Provisional Government contributed to the independence of their country?
As a result of research, the allied powers of China, British and the United States promised Korea's independence in the Cairo Declaration of 1943. It was possible because active Diplomacy of Independence of the Korea Provisional Government and successful the Korean Liberation Army's participation of anti-Japanese Combined Operations with British and US Forces made them agree in favor of Korea's independence.

7한국 국가위기관리체계의 효율성 제고방안 고찰 - 통합방위체계와의 연계를 중심으로 -

저자 : 김성진 ( Kim Sung-jin )

발행기관 : 한국군사학회 간행물 : 군사논단 99권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 190-224 (35 pages)

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Before the 2000s, the concept of national security had been recognized as traditional measures against threats suppressing and defending invasions from the outside. And yet, as shown in the war on terror or the civil war in Syria, terrorism, civil wars, cyber/psychological warfare, natural/human disasters have developed complexly, rather than military aggression since September 11 Attacks. With a conceptual change from traditional security to comprehensive one, security crisis and disaster/calamity are mixed in the concept of Korea's national crisis management, and terms are used in confusion. This study would pay attention to the insufficient establishment of the areas and levels of the national crisis management.
Related laws have been enacted but as individual laws having to survive themselves while there is no standards act, so it is hard to expect efficiency. Thus, There should be the entire nation's empathy for the needs of the resolution of the vulnerability of the legal system that Korea's crisis-related laws should receive the approval of the National Assembly at the time of war, the unification of the concept of national emergency/crisis management and the reestablishment of the reorganization of related groups and organizations. Therefore, this study would intensively present measures for connecting and sharing the integrated defense system based on the United Defense Act with the National Crisis Management System.
This study set 'crisis management system' as an independent variable; 'efficiency' as a dependent variable; and 'basic theme of concept' and 'statute system', 'organization & structure' as parameters. In spite of many related studies, very regretfully, developmental changes are delayed. And yet, realistic limitations should not be ignored. However, in enacting national crisis-related laws or organizing a system (organization and group), it would be necessary to proceed in a direction, helpful for the nation's existence and profit, national stability and economic prosperity.

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1연안해역에서 석유오염물질의 세균학적 분해에 관한 연구

(2006)홍길동 외 1명심리학41회 피인용

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2미국의 비트코인 규제

(2006)홍길동41회 피인용

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