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성균관대학교 성균중국연구소> 중국사회과학논총

중국사회과학논총 update

The Korea Journal of Chinese Social Science

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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권1호(2019)~2권2호(2020) |수록논문 수 : 33
중국사회과학논총
2권2호(2020년 08월) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
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1개혁기 중국 사회관리와 스마트시티: 동북지역 노후공업도시 선양의 사례

저자 : 박철현 ( Park Chul-hyun )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 간행물 : 중국사회과학논총 2권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 4-30 (27 pages)

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본 연구는 기존 중국의 스마트시티 연구가 국민국가 층위에 초점을 맞추어 진행되어온 점을 비판하고, 분석의 층위를 국민국가가 아닌 도시에 맞추어 연구해야만 중국 스마트시티 건설의 다양성을 드러낼 수 있다는 관점에서 노후공업도시인 선양의 스마트시티 건설 사례를 분석한다. 본 연구는 중국 스마트시티의 특징은 포스트 사회주의로의 오랜 체제전환 과정을 배경으로 국가가 사회를 관리하는'사회관리'에 있다고 본다. 선양은 과거 사회주의 중국을 대표하는 공업도시였으나, 개혁기 들어서 기업도산, 공장 폐쇄, 노동자 해고, 인구감소, GDP 성장률 감소 등의 문제가 발생하고 있다. 따라서 선양의 사회관리는 상하이 등 다른 경제발달 지역과 중대한 차이를 보이며, 이러한 차이는 선양의 스마트시티 건설에도 투영되고 있다. 이러한 관점에서 본 연구는 상하이 푸동신구 스마트 시티와 선양 스마트시티에 대한 비교를 통해, 노후공업도시 선양에서의 스마트시티 건설의 의미를 분석한다


This paper criticizes previous researches of which analysis about China's Smart City have been focused on nation state scale and argues that the analysis should be focused on urban scale to show the varieties of China's Smart City. This paper analyzes the case of Shenyang's Smart City which is known as an Old Industrial City. This paper insists that the characteristic of China's Smart City lies in 'social management' which has been continued against the backdrop of China's long transition to post socialism. Social management means state's management of society. In the pre-reform era, Shenyang was a representative industrial city of China. But in the reform era, Shenyang suffered factory shutdown, bankruptcy, unemployment, decline in population and GDP growth rate. So, there are important differences in social management between Shenyang and the developed city like Shanghai, and the differences are reflected in Shenyang's Smart City. From this point of view, this paper analyes the meaning of Smart City in an Old Industrial City, Shenyang.

2중국 신형도시화의 전환적 함의: '사람의 도시화'와 모빌리티 패러다임

저자 : 윤종석 ( Yoon Jongseok )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 간행물 : 중국사회과학논총 2권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 31-55 (25 pages)

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이 글은 개혁개방 이후 중국 사회의 변화를 모빌리티에 주목하여 검토한다. 특히 2014년 신형도시화규획을 중심으로, 기존 도시화 방식과의 전환적 함의를 도출하고, '사람의 도시화'가 모빌리티에 기반한 사회체제로의 전환되고 있는지를 검토한다. 중국의 새로운 도시화 정책은 거대한 모빌리티의 적극적인 활용과 더불어, 정책 목표 하의 일정 방향으로 모빌리티를 유도하는 주요한 실험을 진행 중이다. 특히, 중국 정부는 복지혜택을 활용하여 인구의 이동을 자신의 목표에 따라 촉진하고자 하는 '사람의 도시화'정책을 추진해왔고, 호구제도는 이러한 모빌리티를 추동하는데 주요한 기반으로 여전히 활용되고 있다. 하지만, 현재의 도시화 정책은 과거와 다른 개선적 효과에도 불구하고, 여전히 실용주의적 성격을 강하게 띠면서 근본적인 한계를 노정하고 있다. 중장기적인 사회체제 개혁을 위한 모멘텀을 어떻게 찾아나갈지에 주목하는 동시에, 중국의 사회적 공간이 대내외적으로 연결되고 복합적인 글로벌 공간으로 전환됨에 주목하여, 중국 사회의 중장기적인 변화를 주목해볼 필요가 있다


This study examines the changes in Chinese society since the reform and opening-up, paying attention to mobilities. In particular, focusing on the new-type urbanization plan in 2014, it will draw transformative implications different from the existing urbanization methods and examine whether “human-centered urbanization” leads to transition to the social system based on mobilities. China's new urbanization policy, coupled with the active use of enormous mobility, is conducting major experiments to induce mobilities in a certain direction under its policy objectives. In particular, the Chinese government has pursued a policy of 'human-centered urbanization' that aims to promote the movement of the population according to its own goals by utilizing welfare benefits, and the hukou system is still used as a major foundation for driving this mobility. However, the current urbanization policy, despite its different remedial effects from the past, still has a strong pragmatist character and is on the road to fundamental limitations. It is necessary to note how to find momentum for mid- to long-term social system reform, while also noting that China's social space is connected internally and externally and transformed into a complex global space.

3중국의 인민폐와 주요 국가의 통화 국제화 비교 및 함의

저자 : Bi Weining , 남수중 ( Nam Soojoong )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 간행물 : 중국사회과학논총 2권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 56-89 (34 pages)

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중국은 경제와 무역규모가 급속하게 성장하면서 세계경제에서 차지하는 위상도 상승했다. 미국경제와 함께 G2가 된 중국은 2008년 미국 발 금융위기로 인한 달러화의 위상 하락을 계기로 인민폐의 국제화를 본격적으로 추진하고 있다. 본 논문은 과거 국제통화체제 하에서 주요 국가의 통화가 국제적으로 통용되었던 사례들을 정리했다. 특히 영국의 파운드화, 미국의 달러화의 국제통화로서의 역할 변화에 주목하였으며, 비교적 최근 사례인 일본 엔화의 국제화와 유럽통합 이후 유로화의 출범에 대한 사례도 추가했다. 주요국들의 통화가 국제화된 과거 사례들과 비교하면, 중국정부의 적극적인 국제화 추진에도 불구하고 인민폐의 국제화 수준은 경제규모, 무역규모, 통화가치 안정, 국제금융센터 등 4가지 조건에서 아직 미흡한 수준으로 판단된다. 본 논문은 인민폐가 글로벌 기축통화의 위상에 접근하려면, 첫째, 안정적인 경제성장 지속, 둘째, 글로벌 무역확대 주도, 셋째, 환율제도 개혁과 통화가치 안정, 마지막으로 상하이 등을 명실상부한 국제금융센터로 육성하기 위한 금융시장의 추가 개방과 개혁정책이 필요하다고 강조했다.


The rapid growth of the Chinese economy and trade volume has also led to an increase in the share of the global economy. China, which has become the G2 along with the U.S. economy, is pushing for the inter-nationalization of RMB in earnest in the wake of the U.S.-sparked financial crisis in 2008. This paper analyzed examples of international currency usage of major countries under the international monetary system in the past. In particular, this paper noted the change in the role of the British pound and the US dollar in the international monetary system, and the case of the relatively recent internationalization of the Japanese yen and the launch of the euro after European integration was added to the analysis. When referring to past cases in which the currencies of representative major countries have been internationalized, it is judged that the People's Republic of China's RMB is a little short of the four necessary filling conditions: economic scale, trade scale, currency value stability, and the presence of the international finance center. In order for Chinese RMB to raise its status as the international currency, it is essential to foster the People's Republic of China as an international financial center and globalization of domestic financial market, sustainable growth of its economy, expansion of trade through opening up, reform of its exchange rate system to maintain its value stability.

4엄복의 노장 해석에 나타난 중국 전통의 정반합

저자 : 김현주 ( Kim Hyunju )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 간행물 : 중국사회과학논총 2권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 90-109 (20 pages)

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중국 근대 초기 자유주의자로 잘 알려져 있는 엄복(嚴復, 1854-1921)은 몽테스키외나 밀과 같은 서구 사상가들의 저서를 번역하여 서구 사상을 중국에 소개한 인물이다. 후에 그는 서구 자유주의사상을 중국의 전통, 특히 노장사상과 연관시켜 이해하여 서구와 중국, 전통과 현대를 결합시키고자 하였다. 그는 중국의 전통적 주류 사상에 대해 “쓸모도 없고(無用)”, “내용도 없다(無實)”고 비판하였지만, 노장 사상 속에 서구의 자유와 민주사상적 요소들을 발견하였다. 그에게 있어서 중국의 전통은 양면적인 성격을 갖고 있는 것이었다. 그것은 한편으로는 부정의 대상이면서, 다른 한편으로는 긍정의 대상이었다. 즉 그것은 극복의 대상이면서도 재건의 대상이기도 했다. 엄복에 의해 전통은 더 이상 낡고 쓸모없는 것이 아니라 새롭고 쓸모 있는 현실의 철학이 되었다. 전통의 부정, 긍정, 종합이라는 변증법적 과정이라는 일련의 과정을 통해 그는 그동안 비주류로서 간과되어 오던 노장사상에 대해 긍정하는 한편, 자유, 민주, 개인, 사회 등과 같은 개념들을 중국 사회가 자신의 것으로 수용하는 토대를 마련하였다. 또한 노장사상의 현대적 재해석을 통해 엄복은 경제적으로는 자유주의적이고, 정치적으로는 민주주의적이고, 철학적으로는 개인주의적인 자신의 입장을 투영했는데, 서로 상반되어 보이는 정치적 이데올로기가 '천리(天理)'라는 자연법에 따르는'무위(無爲)'를 통해 조화롭게 이루어질 수 있다고 본 점에서 이를 통해 엄복의 사상 전반의 기본적 토대를 이해할 수 있을 뿐만 아니라, 나아가 중국 사회에서 상이한 가치들의 공존이 가능함을 보여준다는 점에서 엄복의 노장 사상 연구의 의의가 있다. 또한 당대 중국에서 이루어지고 있는 전통의 재해석이 중국특색 사회주의의 정당화를 위해 이루어지고 있는 점과 달리, 엄복의 목적이 자유와 민주를 선전하고 내화시키기 위한 것이었다는 점에서 많은 차이가 있다는 점도 주목할 만하다.


Yanfu(嚴復, 1854-1921) who has been known as an early liberals in the Modern China, translated many books of Western thinkers such as Montesquieu and J. S. Mill. He tried to combine Western thoughts with Chinese traditional thoughts, especially Laozi's and Zhuangzi's. Even if he criticized Chinese traditional main thought as “useless” and “insubstantial”, he found elements of freedom and democracy in Laozi's and Zhuangzi's thoughts. He recognized them to prepare the ground to accept and disseminate Western concepts like freedom, democracy, individual, society, etc. in China. Chinese tradition had ambivalence to Yanfu. It was what to deny on the one hand, and it was also what to affirm on the other. So to speak, It is what to overcome on the one hand, and it was also what to rebuild on the other. Now tradition is no longer old and useless, but has become a new and useful philosophy of reality. Through modern reinterpretation, Yanfu projected his position which is economic liberalist, political democrat, and philosophical individualist. And he thought that the political ideologies that seems to contradict each other, could be reconcilable by 'Wuwei無爲' following 'Tianli天理', the nature law. Understanding these can make us understood Yanfu's whole idea and futhermore it can show us some possibility to see that different values can coexist in Chinese society. Actually the reinterpretation and modernization of Chinese tradition is on going in contemporary China. But it is so much different from Yanfu, who wanted to promote freedom and democracy in modern China.

5中国体系性大国的成长与中美脱钩的前景

저자 : 孙丽萍 ( Sun Liping )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 간행물 : 중국사회과학논총 2권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 110-130 (21 pages)

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单元与国际体系的互动是国际体系演化的核心动力。西方特别是美国的国际关系理论存在着去历史化的特征, 缺乏从非西方国家与国际体系互动的视角来寻求理论创新与突破的成果。本文从大历史、近代史和现代史的三重视角来探讨中国成长为体系性大国的历史背景与现实路径, 分析中国作为一个体系性大国成长的外交传统、理念与内生动力。中国的体系性大国成长之路, 实质是中国与国际体系融合、摩擦、冲突与裂变的进程以及在互动中大国实力、身份与地位的认知与再塑造。毛泽东时代的国际主义外交与邓小平时代的现实主义外交构成了体系性大国外交的传统, 革命外交与发展外交夯实了体系性大国外交的理念基石。新时代中国应顺应世界的百年大变局, 实现与国际体系的共同演化, 构建契合体系性大国实力、地位与身份的特色大国外交体系。2018年中美贸易摩擦引发的中美脱钩问题是对中国体系性大国外交战略定力与耐心的重大考验。


The interaction between unit and international system is the core of the evolution of international system. Western theories of international relations, especially those of the United States, are characterized by de historicalization and lack of theoretical innovation and breakthrough from the perspective of interaction between non-western countries and the international system. This paper discusses the historical background and realistic path of China's growth into a systematic power from the perspective of great history, modern history, and analyzes the diplomatic tradition, idea and internal motivation of China's growth as a systematic power. The growth path of China's systematic power is essentially the process of integration, friction, conflict and fission between China and the international system, as well as the remolding of the strength, identity and status of a great power in the interaction. The internationalist diplomacy in Mao Zedong's era and the realistic diplomacy in Deng Xiaoping's era constitute the tradition of systematic great power diplomacy, and revolutionary diplomacy and developing diplomacy consolidate the ideological foundation of systematic great power diplomacy. In the new era, China should conform to the great changes of the world in the past century, realize the co-evolution with the international system, and build a characteristic great power diplomatic system that conforms to the strength, status and identity of a systematic power.Trade friction between China and the United States in 2018 is a major test of China's systematic power's diplomatic strategic determination and patience.

6间断-平衡理论视角下70年中国农地经营政策变迁分析

저자 : 王琳琳 ( Wang Linlin )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 간행물 : 중국사회과학논총 2권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 131-148 (18 pages)

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建国后, 中国农地经营政策历经家庭自主经营、集体统一经营和家庭承包经营非渐进变迁过程。以间断-平衡理论为框架, 编码分析1949年到2019年人民日报相关报道发现, 农地经营政策变迁实际是政策图景、政策注意力水平、政策议定场和政策基调相互作用的结果。农地基本制度、外部环境以及大众媒体引导政策图景在积极与消极之间转化, 成为政策变迁的起点。受政策注意力水平影响, 政策议定场由次级系统上升到宏观系统, 配合政策基调改变, 推动政策过程发展, 最终导致农地经营政策变迁。在推进国家治理能力和治理体系现代化大背景下, 理解政策变迁过程不仅具有现象解释意义, 更可在了解变迁机制基础上, 注重新媒体和公众在决策中的作用, 提升科学决策和民主决策水平。


The purpose of this article is to discover the dynamic mechanism to stimulate the evolution of China's rural land management policy since 1949 based on text mining and literature research. The results show that policy image transfers from positive to negative under different land tenure system, international situation and the effect of mass media. The outcome of text mining on People's Daily reports from 1949 to 2019 finds out policy attentiveness and its nature are various in different years. What's more, the shift of policy image and policy attentiveness combined with policy tones causes that policy venue climbs from secondary policy system to macro political system, and ultimately inspired policy change. In conclusion, policy image, policy attentiveness and its nature, policy venue and policy tones are the main factors to cause the change of rural land management policy. It needs to pay attention to the dynamics mechanism of policy evolution and perfect current household contract system.

7中国经济的新挑战: 从“六稳”到“六保”

저자 : 荆林波 ( Jing Linbo )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 간행물 : 중국사회과학논총 2권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 149-169 (21 pages)

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中国经济告别了传统的高速增长阶段, 进入一个中高速的新常态。2019年9月, 国务院总理李克强部署精准施策加大力度做好“六稳”工作。稳就业、稳金融、稳外贸、稳外资、稳投资、稳预期, 涵盖了我国目前经济生活的主要方面。受全球疫情的冲击, 中国经济面临着新挑战, 2020年4月在疫情防控常态化前提下, 首次提出“六保”。本文紧紧围绕“六保”的内容, 进行了逐一分析。要解决好稳就业, 必须关注高校毕业生、农民工、贫困地区劳动力等重点群体。保基本民生, 要强化对城市贫困人群的基本生活保障, 扩大社会救助覆盖面并提高救助水平, 更好保障困难群体的基本生活。强化政策的落实力度, 让中小微企业真正享受到政策红利, 切实解决经营中的难题。保粮食能源安全、保产业链供应链稳定、保基层运转, 坚定实施扩大内需战略, 维护经济发展和社会稳定大局, 确保完成决战决胜脱贫攻坚目标任务, 全面建成小康社会。


China's economy has moved away from the traditional period of high-speed growth and entered a new normal of medium and high speed. In September 2019, Premier Li Keqiang deployed precision to step up efforts to do a good job of “six stability”. Steady employment, stable finance, stable foreign trade, steady foreign investment, steady investment, stable expectations, covering the current economic life of China's main aspects. Affected by the global epidemic, China's economy is facing new challenges, in April 2020 under the premise of normalization of epidemic prevention and control, the first proposed “six guarantees” This article closely around the “six guarantees”, one by one analysis. In order to solve the steady employment, we must pay attention to the key groups such as college graduates, migrant workers and labor force in poor areas. To ensure basic people's livelihood, we should strengthen the basic living security for the urban poor, expand the coverage of social assistance and improve the level of assistance, and better protect the basic livelihood of the needy groups. Strengthen the implementation of policies, so that small and medium-sized enterprises really enjoy the policy dividends, and effectively solve the difficulties in business. To ensure food and energy security, to ensure the stability of the supply chain of the industrial chain, to ensure the operation of the grass-roots level, firmly implement the strategy of expanding domestic demand, safeguard the overall situation of economic development and social stability, ensure the completion of the decisive battle to overcome poverty and achieve the goal of comprehensive construction of a well-off society.

8华侨华人与中国的公共外交: 理论建构与现实挑战

저자 : 王秋彬 ( Wang Qiubin )

발행기관 : 성균관대학교 성균중국연구소 간행물 : 중국사회과학논총 2권 2호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 170-192 (23 pages)

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目前全球华侨华人总数高达6000多万, 是世界上规模最大的海外侨民群体, 也是中国宝贵的战略资源。海外华侨华人熟悉中国与住在国的情况, 在促进中外交往方面具有得天独厚的天然优势。发挥海外侨民的独特作用, 为祖(籍)国的建设发展以及外交战略服务, 这是以色列、印度、日本、韩国等诸多世界主要侨务资源大国的通行做法。中国向来重视海外侨胞在沟通中外上所发挥的独特而重要的作用, 为了更好地借助侨务资源推进公共外交与人文交流, 中国于2011年提出了侨务公共外交的理念, 旨在通过侨务渠道开展公共外交。在实践中, 中国以华侨华人为依托, 大力开展引资、引智工作, 动员海外侨胞为祖(籍)国的现代化建设事业服务; 希望海外侨胞传播优秀的中华文化, 利用自己联通中外的优势, 发挥桥梁作用, 讲好中国故事; 号召海外侨胞积极融入当地主流社会, 建设和谐侨社、展示大国侨民形象, 提升中国软实力。但随着中国的崛起, 中国与世界的关系发生了历史性变化, 侨务公共外交的推进面临日益复杂的国际形势、住在国对华舆论氛围以及海外侨胞自身复杂多元的个人因素等方面的严峻挑战。在当今复杂的国际环境下, 中国在侨务公共外交实践中应当摒弃想当然的思维定式, 工作上要注意把握内外有别的原则, 因地制宜、因地施策, 以文化、情感为纽带联络祖(籍)国与海外侨胞的血脉联系, 把“三个有利于”的侨务工作原则作为一个整体贯彻到侨务公共外交实践中去, 促进中国公共外交事业的大发展。


China has the largest diaspora in the world, with an estimation of over 60 million in 2014. Ethnic Chinese overseas share some common historical memories and cultures and thus have better understandings of China's policies; and they directly build up the image of “Chinese” in foreign lands and proactively take the advantages in Sino-Foreign engagement. China pays special attention to the roles that overseas Chinese can play in its communication and exchanges with international communities against the backdrop that China has been increasingly involved into world politics and integrated into global economy. Diasporas have been recognized as valuable resources by states to serve the construction and strategic development of their home countries and promote mutual trust and understanding in international relations. It is a common practice for Israel, India, Japan, South Korea and many other major countries in the world to utilize the resources of the diaspora for diplomacy by strengthening the psychological, cultural and economic bonds with their diasporas. The constructs of ethnic identity produce appeals for power seeking states. Chinese government, ever since the Mao era, has been engaging the Chinese diaspora in the process of modernization and the communication between China and the external world, and the state leaders view soft power as an indispensable part of comprehensive national strength. Therefore, China pursuing to increase its capability to disseminate information and ideas in the campaign of soft power attaches great importance to overseas Chinese in promoting public diplomacy and people-to-people exchanges. Chinese authorities put forward the concept of “diaspora public diplomacy” in 2011 and constantly make efforts in developing diaspora policies and institutions for transnational expansion of influence and global reach.
The working mechanism of diaspora public diplomacy is as follows: through a diverse range of government-led cultural and economic exchanges with and policy interpretations to overseas Chinese, the relevant departments of China will guide them to correctly understand China's social conditions and public sentiment and opinions; and then the Chinese diaspora will disseminate Chinese-related information and explicate it to the local public and government with indigenized expressions that can be effectively received and understood by the local communities, so as to increase the extent of recognition and favorability among the external audiences and further promote the local government to stipulate and implement friendly policy towards China which would be consistent with China's national interests. In this process, overseas Chinese have dual identities. They are firstly the intermedium transmitters of China's public diplomacy mainly conducted by government's overseas Chinese affairs institutions, and then the agents of China's public diplomacy in regards to the communication with the foreign publics and governments.
In practice, China relies on overseas Chinese as its base to project Chinese soft power, mobilizes the diaspora with Chinese language and culture appeal, and follows the principles of cooperation and mutual benefits (good for the overseas Chinese, good for their residing country and good for China). China has made efforts to enhance media capacity by partaking or involving overseas Chinese media to tell the stories of China and spread the culture of China, which increases creativity and credibility of China's publicity and meanwhile strengthens the ties of “Chinese”; China has conducted a series of reforms in laws and regulations relating to immigration and a variety of economic sectors to attract foreign investments and talents; China calls on the diaspora to actively integrate into the local society while maintaining “Chineseness” identities and make contributions to the development and progress of the country they reside in, to consolidate the mutual trust on international level and establish the positive image of overseas Chinese as a group. However, the Westphalian nation-state system doubts the loyalty of ethnic groups in the political perspective and the western society follows realism approaches in understanding China's increasing strength and presence in international community; China faces massive scale smears and attacks on its ideology and policies. The transition to assertiveness of China on international issues and the complexities of international relations make the practice of diaspora public diplomacy harder to advance. The host country and media coverage tend to interpret China's diaspora public diplomacy by state-centric approaches and the multidimensionality in diaspora's homeland engagement leads to public sentiment of suspicion and even hatred. In some countries and regions, Chinese national students, diasporic Chinese and locals with Chinese ancestry are deemed as “the fifth column” that are seeking for expansion of communist interests and influence, posing threats to their security. And there are some overseas Chinese who do not agree with China's policy are still “tarnishing” China, which, to a certain extent, damages China's image.
To recapitulate, China should make realistic appraisal of the international environment and push forward its international engagement with more flexible and indigenized diaspora public diplomacy. In practice, Chinese diaspora policies should adhere to the principle of mutual benefits and accommodate the needs and interests of both Chinese diasporic communities and the foreign audiences, dismissing the thinking that overseas Chinese should and will actively strive for the development of the country of their ancestors and serve as the foundation for promoting China's grand strategy such as the Belt and the Road. In carrying out specific programs, China should make differences between domestic and external-oriented affairs, differentiating approaches and means in terms of communication and propaganda according to the varying conditions in targeted countries or regions and norms of other nationals and ethnic groups. The link of psycho-cultural and phenotypic ethnic identities should be consolidated between the motherland and overseas Chinese. Diasporic engagement in public diplomacy and overseas Chinese affairs falling under the responsibilities of official institutions should be coordinated with a holistic perspective by the state, so as to promote the appeal of China and improve China's relations with foreign countries.

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