This paper aims to investigate the process of presupposition accommodation and its ramifications to the context. Among global accommodation and local accommodation Heim (1983) suggests, local accommodation accounts for the case of defeasible presuppositions which poses a problem for the filtering theories of presupposition against the cancellation theories. Although it has been claimed that global accommodation is generally preferred unless it causes infelicity, this study maintains that local accommodation also has explanatory power and that contextual factors play an important role than mere preference for global accommodation in determining which type of accommodation is selected. This study also points out that language users choose a type of accommodation and apply it in such a way that the common ground is amended in order to enhance its consistency. (Ewha Womans University).

In this paper, I discuss restrictions on quantifiers used in interrogatives and imperatives in Korean. Krifka (2001) tried to explain them by assuming that a quantifier quantifies into speech acts and that speech acts are conjoined but not disjoined. I show that speech acts are disjoined under the condition that disjoined speech acts are re-interpreted as a single speech act. In interrogatives, quantifiers cannot have wide scope over a wh-phrase. The restriction is that an interrogative with a quantifier must have the meaning of one question. In imperatives, some quantifiers are not allowed because they generate some conventional implicatures which are not compatible with the semantics of imperatives. Other quantifiers are not allowed in imperativs because they are used to express genericity, which is also not compatible with the semantics of imperatives. To show this, I briefly discuss the semantics of imperatives. (Hongik University)

The main point of this paper is to shed light on the nature of the various types of person related restriction on anaphors. For the first, it is demonstrated that such restrictions reflect the way in which binding relations are established; (i) the 1st/2nd person constraint on long distance caki stems form the logohpricity, and (ii) the 1st/2nd person blocking effect on Chinese anaphor ziji is best analysed in terms of empathic hierarchy. Given this, it is discussed why caki does not exhibit the 1st/2nd person blocking effect; thereby, unlike previously proposed, it cannot be identified as an empathic anaphor. To do so, several diagnostics are presented, especially focusing on the interactions between the two restrictions. Concomitantly, it is shown that the 1st/2nd person constraint on local caki has nothing to do with the logophoricity. Instead, it is proposed as a sort of presupposition failure: local caki is a 3rd person reflexive; hence the 1st/2nd person antecedent incurs a person mismatch. This point is supported by the fact that it can be obviated where the presupposition of the person feature can be weakened. Finally, some theoretical implications are discussed regarding the parametric variation among the East Asian anaphors. (Pusan National University)