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The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies

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수록범위 : 1권0호(2001)~36권0호(2019) |수록논문 수 : 306
한일민족문제연구
36권0호(2019년 06월) 수록논문
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KCI등재

11920·30년대 물산장려운동의 경과와 종교계

저자 : 김민영 ( Kim Min-young )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 36권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 5-41 (37 pages)

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1919年の3·1獨立万歲運動以降、日帝は植民地統治體制を文化統治に轉換した。こうした中、社會進化論に立脚した一部の知識人たちは實力を身につけてから獨立すべきだという「先實力後獨立論」を唄えながら所謂「實力養成運動」を展開した。實力養成運動は敎育と社會·經濟において民族の實力を養成しようというもので、その內、經濟的養成運動として展開したのが「物産奬勵運動」であった。これに關してはこれまで硏究が豊富に蓄積されてきた。しかし、物産奬勵運動の背景と展開をめぐっての把握は一面的であり、とくに宗敎界との關わりで論じたものは少ない。
本稿では日帝强占期、とくに1920·30年代に展開した經濟的實力養成論の內物産奬勵運動の經過をめぐる主要論点等を宗敎界との關わりで檢討した。
まずこの時期の實力養成論に對するいくつかの評價と視角について論点を整理した。また運動の經濟的背景と6回以上も刊行した機關誌の基本性格についても檢討した。さらに、宗敎界の動きをみるためにキリスト敎と普天敎における物産奬勵運動への取り組みについても檢討を行った。
要するに、1920·30年代において展開された物産奬勵運動は、近代宗敎の公共性の再構築という觀点からみると、各々の宗敎的表象のなか多樣な方式で産み出されたことが分かった。市場資本主義に對する近代韓國宗敎の認識や經濟的實力養成運動への取り組み背景に對する探究も自然に各々の宗敎の社會經濟發展觀等公共性を帶びた普遍的實踐倫理を探るものであったと言えよう。
物産奬勵運動の展開は1920年代後半以降急激に脆弱化し、キリスト敎と普天敎等を中心とした宗敎界からの取り組みも非常に制限的であった。このことに關する硏究や、解放以降の壓縮經濟成長と開發論において宗敎的公共性の發現及び市場資本主義に對する認識變化と未來への模索等についても硏究が進むことを望む。


After March 1st Movement, Japanese imperialism changed its colonial rule into cultural politics. Among this situation some right intelligent people started 'Skill-cultivation theory' by declaring 'Independence after nurturing skill' meaning that independence can be achieved after nurturing skill. Skill-cultivation movement asked for nurturing skill for people in the area of education and social economy and especially Korean Production Movement was focused on skill-cultivation in economics. The existing research achievement regarding this movement was fully built up. However, major point surrounding the background and progress of Production Movement was only partially understood and in particular the cases in relation to religious circle were limited.
Therefore this paper reviewed in relation to major religious circle focused on major point surrounding the progress of Production Movement especially among economic skll-cultivation theory especially in 1920s and 1930s, Japanese Colonial Era hereinafter.
As a part I arranged some points surrounding existing various evaluation and its perspective on skill-cultivation theory in this era with a few parts. Further I took a look at the basic nature of official magazine issued more than 6 times along with economic background of the movement. In addition, I reviewed the participation of Production Movement from Protestantism and Bochungyo in the perspective of religious circle.
For example considering Production Movement in 1920s and 1930s as reconstruction of publicity in modern Korean religious circle, I could see the movement was expressed in various way among the symbol of individual religion as well. The study on recognition of market capitalism in Korean religion and participation background of economic skill-cultivation theory can be also recognized as major work expressing common practice ethics of publicity like social economic development perspective of individual religion in a natural way.
Of course it is because the progress of Production Movement was rapidly weaken after late 1920 but the participation of religious circle surrounding Protestantism and Bochungyo was very limited. Therefore I hope the research will be advanced on showing publicity of religion and process of changing recognition on market capitalism and seeking for its future direction among pressed economic growth after independence and development theory along with its supplement.

KCI등재

21930년대 재일조선인의 주택문제와 생활권 투쟁의 고찰-『민중시보』를 중심으로-

저자 : 황익구 ( Hwang Ik-koo )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 36권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 43-77 (35 pages)

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1920年代末頃から在日朝鮮人社會には就職問題、住宅問題、敎育問題、醫療衛生問題、法律問題など樣々な生活問題が現われていた。特に在日朝鮮人社會において最も切實な問題は勞動者人口の增加と居住形態の變化、日本人家主の住宅賃貸の忌避、日本當局の消極的な對應などが總合的な原因として作用した住宅問題である。本稿では1930年代の在日朝鮮人の住宅問題をめぐる同時代の言說を分析することによって日本當局の住宅問題に對する姿勢と對應、そして在日朝鮮人の積極的で自主的な生活權鬪爭の樣相を考察してみた。
1930年を前後して日本當局の調査によると在日朝鮮人の住宅問題の原因は在日朝鮮人側の責任として扱われており、その以降も在日朝鮮人の住宅問題をめぐる言說においてたえず繰り返されながら再生産と傳播が行われていた。さらに在日朝鮮人に對する民族的差別と偏見に基づいたステレオタイプをも作り續けていた。
このような狀況のなかで在日朝鮮人による韓國語新聞の『民衆時報』が創刊された。『民衆時報』は在日朝鮮人の生活權の確立、權益擁護、文化的向上などを綱領として當時の在日朝鮮人の生活問題に大きな關心を持っており、またその解決策を模索していた。とりわけ住宅問題については社說、コラム、報道記事、寄稿文、文芸作品などを活用して問題の原因を追究し、なお生活權鬪爭の參加を積極的に呼びかけていた。
しかし『民衆時報』の廢刊以降、在日朝鮮人の住宅問題をめぐる生活權鬪爭は組織的な鬪爭の段階にまでは至らず、土地や住宅に對する强制立退の阻止や法的訴訟を起こすような部分的で散發的な活動にとどまっていた。それでも『民衆時報』が在日朝鮮人の住宅問題、さらに生活問題について民族運動の一環として自主的で組織的な鬪爭を模索していた点は注目に値する。


Since the late 1920's, there have been various living problems in Korean society in Japan, such as employment problems, housing problems, education problems, medical hygiene problems, and legal problems. Especially in the Korean society in Japan, the most serious problem is the housing problem where the increase of the labor force and the change of living style, the refusal of the Japanese landlord's housing rental, the negative response of the Japanese authorities, etc. This article analyzes Japanese contemporary Japanese attitudes to housing problems by analyzing contemporary discourses on Korean housing problems in the 1930s, I examined the aspect of the active and voluntary life rights struggle of Koreans in Japan.
According to a survey of Japanese authorities around 1930, the cause of the housing problems of Koreans in Japan is treated as the responsibility of the Koreans in Japan, and from then on the discourse over the housing problems of Koreans in Japan has always been Reproduction and propagation was taking place repeatedly. Furthermore, Japanese authorities continued to create stereotypes based on ethnic discrimination and prejudice against Koreans in Japan.
In this context, “Min-jung Shibo” was established with the aim of establishing the living rights of Korean residents in Japan, advocating for their rights, advancing their culture and improving their culture. Especially for housing problems, editors, columns, articles, contributions, and literary works were used to investigate the cause of the problems. “Min-jung Shibo” has actively called for participation in the struggle for life rights.
However, since the demise of “Min-jung Shibo”, the struggle for the right to life over the housing problems of Koreans in Japan does not reach the stage of organized struggle. And it was limited to partial and sporadic activities, such as preventing forced evictions of land and housing and legal action. Nevertheless, it should be appreciated that “Min-jung Shibo” was interested in housing problems of Koreans in Japan. And it should be noted that “Min-jung Shibo” sought a voluntary and systematic struggle for living problems.

KCI등재

3후세 다츠지와 박열의 헌법의식-'조선건국헌법초안'을 중심으로-

저자 : 이경주 ( Lee Kyeong-ju )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 36권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 79-130 (52 pages)

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人權弁護士として知られている布施辰治は「戰後」'朝鮮建國憲法草案'の作成者でもある.布施は'朝鮮建國憲法草案'を朴烈をはじめとする在日朝鮮人と共同執筆したと述べている. 朴烈は世界主義とそれに基づく民族の獨立への强い意識の持ち主であり, 强權的權力に反對して自律と自治に基づく民主化を指向する非資本非共産主義的アナキストである.このような思想は彼の著書『新朝鮮革命論』で世界市民間の平和と獨立, 生活の實態に基づく開かれた民族主義そして勞使間の協調主義的な憲法意識として現れた.
朴烈の烈々な擁護者である布施辰治は兼愛主義の影響で非戰論的平和主義の持ち主であり, 朝鮮人獨立運動家などの弁論に加わりながら植民地支配に反對することになる. 人權擁護に積極的になったのは20世紀はじめ頃日本で繁盛していた自由民權運動の影響であり, それに基づいて無産者の階級運動の擁護にも積極的であった.
このような思想的傾向は'憲法改正私案'では非武裝平和主義のみならず國會議員を初めとする權力機關である檢察廳長などの公選制などの民主主義として現れる.天皇制を存置するが專權性を弱めると同時に統治權在民という一種の國民主權主義を標榜する.
この'憲法改正私案'とほぼ同じ內容の'朝鮮建國憲法草案'も平和主義と民主主義に基づく憲法草案になっている. 特に國籍條項と關連しては生活の實態に基づく多樣なカテゴリの國民を規定することによって世界主義と民族主義の調和を圖る. なお勞使關係においては協調を强調する. このような內容は朴烈の憲法意識と兼愛主義に基づく布施辰治の憲法意識が'朝鮮建國憲法草案'という朝鮮の獨立の大綱と具體案の作成過程で結合したと言えるであろう. 少なくともお互いの憲法意識なり國家構想を察知した內容上の共同性がみられる.


Huse Tatsuzi is famous for a human rights lawyer, but he was a lawyer who prepared the civil draft 'The Constitution of Korea(1946)'. Huse said it was co-writed by korean who participated independence movement like Park Yol.
Park Yol is a activist who dissent the power of authority and support cosmopolitanism and democratization of society and cooperation of labor and capital. Huse Tatsuzi as Park Yol's enthusiastic advocater is a lawyer who support Kenai principle. He endorse independent of korea and peace of asia. He drafted the bill of Korean Constitution and the revised bill of Japanese Constitution.
The Constitution of Korea(1946)'is aim for cosmopolitanism, and broad nationalism, democratization of society and politics, cooperation of labor and capital. Especially the provision of Citizenship is open to other nations who live in other country. I think those provision and principles of constitution is result of various kind of communications and awareness between Park Yol and Huse Tatsuzi.

KCI등재

4아시아태평양전쟁기 한인 '강제동원'에 관한 연구의 동향과 과제-한국과 일본의 연구를 중심으로-

저자 : 김광열 ( Kim Gwang-yol )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 36권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 131-163 (33 pages)

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本稿は、1965年の朴慶植『朝鮮人强制連行の記錄』以來、韓國と日本で行われた朝鮮人「强制動員」關連の硏究を勞動力動員および兵力動員中心に檢討して、今後の課題を提示しようとするものである。
日本における關連硏究は1960年代の半ばから始まった。朝鮮總督府の役割を含めた抑壓的な動員の實態や、主な動員對象であった朝鮮農民の生活實態まで注目したり、日朝の間の勞務動員のシステムが異なっていたというところにまで關心が及んだ。さらに、その過程で動員現場で動かされた朝鮮人の處遇を日本人の場合と比較して朝鮮人が差別的な狀況におかれていたことを究明したし、動員による負傷や死亡に對しても無責任な狀態に置かれていたことを注目した。一方、韓國における關連硏究は1980年代から本格化した。動員に關する政策、送出過程における總督府機關の役割、動員現場への配置過程、被動員朝鮮人が置かれた劣惡な待遇などに注目した。韓國と日本で行われた硏究の共通点は朝鮮人動員に「强制性」があったと究明することであった。相違点は何かといえば、日本での硏究はその「强制性」とともに「特殊性」(日本人との比較)まで把握しようとしたのに對し、韓國での硏究は動員の事實と「强制性」の追究を一貫して行った傾向があったと言えよう。
韓日兩國における硏究動向の檢討を通して以下のような課題が考えられる。朝鮮人動員の被害を强調したいなら、なるべくその「特殊性」を究明する方法を講究すべきであろう。日本帝國による總動員體制下の人的動員はその全ての支配領域の住民を對象に行われたものなので、朝鮮人動員がどのように特殊だったのかを明らかにする必要があるからである。動員形態に拘らず、そのような作業を蓄積していくと、自ずと動員の「强制性」も浮かび上がると考えられる。
そのためには、先ず朝鮮人動員の原因であった日本帝國による朝鮮植民地支配が總動員體制のなかでどのように機能したのかをもっと明らかにする必要があろう。朝鮮人動員とは、結局植民地支配という差別的な構造を活用した民族差別的な戰時政策であったと言えるからである。つまり、朝鮮總督府の動員政策や動員システムに關する分析とともに、勞務動員は産業別に、軍事動員は形態別に一層明らかにせねばならないだろう。戰爭末期に日本の陸軍や海軍が多數の朝鮮人を勞務者として動員した事實についても、どのような政策に基づいて行われたのか實體を究明しなければならない。朝鮮半島と日本で行われた動員の仕組みも末端の行政單位まで比較して、兩者にどのような相違があるのかについてより具體的に調査していくべきであろう。さらに、日本の硏究で試みられたように、其々の軍需事業場で被動員朝鮮人たちが置かれた環境を客觀的に判斷するために、障害率や死亡率、賃金支給の狀況、未拂金の結末、負傷者および死亡者への補償、等々について日本人の場合と比較する作業をいっそう擴大して行う必要があると考えられる。


The purpose of this article is to examine how the research of Korean forced mobilization in the Asia - Pacific War has developed in Korea and Japan, and propose future tasks.
The research conducted in Japan have seen the oppressive mobilization of labor and mobilization of troops, including the role of the colonial ruling body, which was carried out against the Korean people at that time. It also paid attention to the actual situation of the life of Korean farmers who were the main mobilization targets. In addition, tried to compare the discriminatory treatment of Korean who were present at the mobilization site with those of Japanese, and also paid attention to the irresponsible treatment of injuries or deaths caused by mobilization.
On the other hand, the research conducted in Korea also tried to clarify the role of the colonial ruling body in charge of the transmission process and the mobilization work, and the impossibility of revealing the inhuman and poor situation of Koreans in the mobilization area.
It is common to point out that there was a 'coercion' in the mobilization of Koreans in the Pacific War, both Japan and Korea. As for the differences, research in Japan tries to pursue its specificity in addition to its 'coercion', whereas research in Korea tends to concentrate on the mobilization of facts and 'coercion'. Nevertheless, the question of whether the specificity and “coerciveness” of the mobilization of the Korean people is clearly defined is not a situation that can be said to be quite certain.
The tasks are as follows. It is necessary to clarify how the colonial rule of the Japanese Empire on the Korean Peninsula, which was the cause of the mobilization of Koreans and functioned in the background, functioned in the total mobilization system. The reason is that Koreans mobilized by the Japanese empire were ultimately a kind of national discriminatory policy using the discriminatory structure of colonial rule.
Therefore, it is necessary to observe the following detailed subject. Above all, labor mobilization needs to be identified by industry, and military mobilization by type, on the actual situation of mobilization developed on the Korean peninsula. It is because there are many unknown parts of mobilization in the Korean peninsula. Whether it is labor mobilization or military mobilization, it is necessary to thoroughly understand how the system of mobilization system implemented in the Korean Peninsula and Japan was different.
In addition to the fact that the Koreans who were mobilized from abroad, including Japan, were placed in a poor environment and were highly likely to suffer injuries and deaths, or were not only restricted in paying wages, were unable to pay most of their wages even after the end of the war, It is necessary to disclose how it differs from the mobilization of the Japanese at that time, such as the fact that it was not responsible for at all. It is also necessary to clarify the policy framework in which many Koreans were mobilized as laborers by the Japanese Army and Navy at the end of the Asia - Pacific War.

KCI등재

5문재인 정부의 대일정책-일본군 '위안부' 문제를 중심으로-

저자 : 조진구 ( Cho Jin-goo )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 36권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 165-205 (41 pages)

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この論文は、文在寅政府の對日政策を日本軍「慰安婦」問題に焦点を當てて檢討したものである。
2017年5月に登場した文在寅政府は、2015年12月の韓日外交長官會談での日本軍「慰安婦」問題に關する合意の經緯と內容を檢討する目的で外交部長官の直屬にタスクフォ一スを設置した。2017年12月27日、タスクフォ一スは、「被害者中心のアプロ一チ」という觀点から2015年12月の韓日政府の合意は被害者の意見を反映しなかった政治的合意と規定する報告書を公表した。
「被害者中心のアプロ一チ」や「被害者中心主義」を强調するこの報告書に基づいて、文在寅政府は、合意の廢棄と再交涉を求めないが2015年合意では問題の解決にはならないとの立場を堅持している。あくまで合意の履行を强調する日本政府の反對にも關わらず、韓國政府は、2018年11月、「和解·癒し財團」の解散方針を決定したが、これは、2015年12月の慰安婦合意に關する事實上の「死亡宣告」であったといってよい。
韓國政府は和解·癒し財團の解散のための法的手續きを踏んでいるが、財團が使い殘した資金と10億円相當の韓國政府の予備費の使い道については日本政府と話し合うという曖昧な立場を取っている。日本政府も2015年合意の履行の必要性を繰り返しているだけである。
この問題の解決のためには、加害者の日本は被害者の共感を得られるよう反省する眞摯な態度を示すべきであり、韓國側もそのような眞摯な態度を受け入れる姿勢が求められる。


This paper analyse the Moon Jae-in administration's Japan policy, focused on the issue of the Japanese military “comfort women.”
In July 2017, the South Korean government formed a task force directly under the Foreign Minister to review the agreement and content of the Japanese military “comfort women” issue at the Foreign Ministers' Meeting in December 2015. On December 27, 2017, the Task Force announced the report that the “comfort women” agreement on December 28 2015 between Korea and Japan was a political agrement that did not reflect the opinions of the former “comfort women.”
Officially the Moon administration says it will not seek to renegotiate the agreement with Japan. But, the South Korean government, which emphasizes “victim-centered approach”, maintains that the “Comfort Women” problem can not be resolved by the 12.28 agreement on the basis of this Task Force report. South Korea announced that it will dissolve the Reconciliation and Healing Foundation, established in July 2016, despite the opposition of the Japanese government. This was a de facto death sentence for the 12.28 agreement.
And it will consult with the Japanese government on what to do with the 16.08 billion won, which includes 5.78 billion won left over from the Japanese fund along with 10.3 billion won donated by the South Korean government. The Japanese government is merely insisting on the implementation of the 12.28 agreement.
It is my opinion that in order to pursue genuine reconciliation between South Korea and Japan, Japan should show a sincerely attitude to reflect on victims' empathy, and South Korea should accept it.

KCI등재

6인물사적 관점에서 바라본 재일 역사학자 강재언-그 행적과 가치관, 역할을 중심으로-

저자 : 김웅기 ( Kim Woong-ki )

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 36권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 207-256 (50 pages)

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本稿は濟州出身の在日1世の歷史家姜在彦の生涯について、その行蹟と價値觀、役割を中心に論じることを目的としている。ロ一ゼンタ一ルの生涯史的硏究手法を採り入れてはいるが、當然のことながら、故人を對象にインタビュ一を行うのは無理であるなどの制約條件があることから、彼の膨大な著作を參照し、補完することとした。
渡日後、左翼運動に身を投じつつ硏究活動を行った姜在彦であったが、總連による金日成への從屬的姿勢に幻滅して組織を離脫した。その後、在野に出て著述活動と大學での講義を行うこととなったが、他の在日知識人らと共に表現活動を行う過程で、總連系在日コミュニティという狹い樺から脫し、司馬遼太郎をはじめとする日本人の文芸家と出會うことで互いに刺激し合う形での執筆活動を行った。交流の場となったのは彼らの住空間だった東大阪である。
司馬と共に韓國に渡航した姜在彦は、總連を離脫した在日知識人が集う『季刊三千里』の執筆陣のうち、李進熙や金達壽らと共に最も早期に韓國に渡ったが、このことによって、あくまでも統一祖國にこだわり續ける金石範らと葛藤が生じた。
一方、在日の歷史家である姜在彦が實學や東學運動に對して肯定的に評價を行ったことは、300年にわたって政爭に明け暮れ、祖國を亡國に導いた朱子學一尊主義の士林派に對する批判と表裏一體であった。本稿において姜在彦の士林派批判を檢討したのは、彼の價値觀が最も鮮明に現れているからである。
姜在彦は在日コリアンがいかに生きるべきかを論じるいわゆる在日論の先驅者と言える。國家への歸屬や忠誠に拘泥しない生き方の提示は總連系の在日コリアンからは批判を浴びせられる一方、アイデンティティや歸屬の問題に惱む多くのそれ以外の若い在日コリアンにとって、道標を提示したと言える。彼の役割はこれに留まらず、在日、日本人を問わず、多くの後學を育てるという敎育者としての側面もあり、多くの敎え子が學界に進出している。
以上のように、姜在彦の社會的役割は活動家、歷史家、韓國渡航、在日論の先驅者、敎育者と整理することができる。


The purpose of this thesis is to discuss social roles of Kang, Jae Eon, a first generation of Zainichi historian, by reviewing his life. This thesis reviews the variety of his roles: left-wing activist, advocator of new identities for Zainichi Koreans and historian of Korean history.
Rothental's research method of the reconstruction of life story is intended to be introduced in this thesis, however, merely doing so is not enough since Kang has already passed away. Therefore, remarks in his writings are also scrutinized.
After settling in Japan, Kang, Jae Eon had become an activist of left-wing movement over doing academic research on Marxism. However, he felt disillusionment on Chongryong, the pro-North organization, because it inclined to enforce worship on Kim, Il Sung. Kang decided not to belong to it anymore as other Zainichi intellectuals did. Since then, Kang's activities were implemented not in Chongryong community but Japanese society.
During this period, Kang met Shiba, Ryotaro, one of the most renowned Japanese novelist. They stimulated each other in respective writing activities. Higashi-Osaka, next to Osaka city became the place of communication.
Kang became one of the first Zainichi intellectuals visiting South Korea. At that time, Kang's visit to South Korea became a target of criticism among Zainichi community, not only Chongryong but also his colleagues, such as Kim, Seokbeom, because its prevailed perspectives on South Korea was the origin of divisionism of Korean peninsula.
As a historian, Kang severely criticized extreme Neo-Confucianists because they devoted to political controversy for 300 years. He considered them as the culprit of the collapse of Choseon Dynasty. Among various historical interpretation by Kang, this thesis particularly refers to his criticism against Sarim faction. According to Kang, the faction's intolerance on the other factions never contribute to strengthen the dynasty's competitiveness with its neighboring nations.
The Zainichi historian is regarded as one of the earliest critics of so-called Zainichi-ron. He asserted that the younger generations should not stick to belong to one of the divided nations in Korean peninsula. Indeed, criticism by Chongryong community was extremely severe, however, such an argument certainly gave positive impact on the rest of Zainichi Koreans suffering from identity crisis. In addition, Kang played a role of educator, leading many of his student to be academic professionals.

KCI등재

774명의 일본 학자들이 발표한 성명 「전후 70년 총리 담화에 대하여」

저자 : 조진구

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 36권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 257-280 (24 pages)

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KCI등재

81930년 강제노동협약(ILO 제29호 협약) [강제근로에 관한 협약]

저자 : 신희석

발행기관 : 한일민족문제학회 간행물 : 한일민족문제연구 36권 0호 발행 연도 : 2019 페이지 : pp. 281-297 (17 pages)

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1
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가장 많이 인용된 논문

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가장 많이 인용된 논문
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1연안해역에서 석유오염물질의 세균학적 분해에 관한 연구

(2006)홍길동 외 1명심리학41회 피인용

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2미국의 비트코인 규제

(2006)홍길동심리학41회 피인용

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가장 많이 참고한 논문

(자료제공: 네이버학술정보)

가장 많이 참고한 논문

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2미국의 비트코인 규제

(2006)홍길동41회 피인용

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서울대학교 연세대학교 한신대학교 동아대학교 한국외국어대학교
 40
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  • 6 국민대학교 (8건)
  • 7 성균관대학교 (7건)
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