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115세기 명·티무르제국 간의 조공무역과 인도양 교역 네트워크 ― 중국 문헌자료에 나타난 세계화의 단상 ―

저자 : 한지선 ( Han¸ Ji-seon )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 54권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 1-38 (38 pages)

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This paper aimed to examine the aspect of globalization, giving a focus on the issues of the lion tribute and the return through the sea route in the 19th reign year of Chenghua(成化). The issues of Timurid envoy's tribute and return through the sea route are able to be approached from the perspective of circulation of goods and information in the trade network of the Indian Ocean. In fact, the lion tribute incident in 1483 was not a diplomatic ritual but a trade act that was led only by Paryukwan, who understood the Eurasian trade network and the tribute compensation manual.
In addition, the government's recognition of Paliuwan's returning via Malacca is seen as a clue that the Ming government also understood that there was close exchange between the West Region(西域) and the 'West Ocean(西洋)' and did not set institutional restriction on it. The problem of the Timurid envoys' qualification was often pointed out from the Yongle(永樂) years. In fact, although tribute was a solemn ritual in East Asia, when it was seen from the point of view of merchants in Central Asia, tribute trade was one of the commercial activities that brought enormous profits. They were allowed to present the tribute by joining the envoy, and if not, they could trade their goods in the Ganzhou(甘州) and Suzhou(肅州) areas. Under therelationship between Ming and Timurid, merchants took advantage of diplomatic procedures or rituals to participate in tribute trade, and even when the unified power did not exist in inland Asia in the late 15th century, they approached China in an autonomous and common trade way. Inland envoys did seldom meet the diplomatic rituals that the Ming proposed or violated relevant regulations. Emissaries might not be real messengers as Ming's conservative officials suspected. However, they brought diverse goods including gold, silver, and jewelry from India, Arab, the Indian Ocean and even Africa. Even, items such as 鑌鐵刀, 鎖服, 撒哈剌, and 水晶椀 were overlapped with the tributes given by Calicut or Malacca. In addition, rose perfumes and glass products were produced and distributed throughout Europe and Asia
These Timurid tribute lists showed that the Indian Ocean's maritime trade network linked by monsoons was connected to Europe, Africa, Central Asia, East Asia and even grasslands. The commercial achievements of Southeast Asia in the 1450s or 1500s are not denied, but the achievement of the sea is often confined to the sea.
However, when the tribute list was looked at, it was understood that commercial energy of the trade network created by interaction between inland and coastal areas was transferred to deep inland areas such as Europe, West Asia, India, China, Russia and the Mongolian grasslands.

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2해징(海澄) 개항과 새로운 교역망의 형성

저자 : 蔡暻洙 ( Chae¸ Kyung-soo )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 54권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 39-79 (41 pages)

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This article examined the development process of a brand-new oversea commerce network centered around a harbor named Hai-Cheng海澄, which took the official open port of the Ming empire after 1567. This article Significantly dealt with the connection of Hai-Cheng海澄 with Manila, which was the Spain empire's colonial stronghold of the Eastern Asian Seas at that time. 
For the Ming empire, the open of Hai-Cheng海澄 port was a measure to secure coastal stability. Many pro-trade officials criticized that the indiscriminative sea-ban policy in the late Jia-Jing嘉靖 era had threatened littoral people's livelihood, it made them conspire with wokou倭寇 and pirates. They claimed that the license trade system would be the most efficient policy for coastal security. Since the early stage of the open-sea policy,the Ming court's main interest was on the coastal area's long-term stability, rather than the area's economic vitalization or tax revenue. 
The Hai-Cheng海澄 oversea trade started to be supervised by systematic license regulations since 1575. At the time, the Spain empire buckled down to an inroad into Eastern-Asian seas. It chose Manila as a colonial stronghold in this area. Not long after, a very prosperous trade network, which was second only to the Macao-Nagasaki route, was developed between Hai-Cheng海澄 andManila. This trade network developed relying on high profitability, driven by a mutual preference for each other's goods - Chinese silk and American silver. Further, the stable diplomatic relationship between those empires was a solid foundation for maintaining this trade network. 
The Hai-Cheng海澄 - Manila trade network was in a crisis of trade break at least twice. The one was the sea-ban of the Ming court in 1593, which was caused by the Korea-Japan War broken out in the previous year. The other was the massacre of the Chinese in Manila by the Spain authority that occurred in 1603. Although both cases could be recognized as severe security threats for the Ming court, neither were led to a long-term commerce disconnection. The Fujianese coastal merchants, who were in oversea trade business, succeeded in fending off or minimizing the sea-bans by lobbying their local governments. 
The local officials, who tried to persuade the central government to withdraw the sea-ban for protecting the oversea trade merchants' profit, presented a critical argument that open-sea is a better policy than a sea-ban for coastal security. Due to conceding its validity, the Ming court maintained the license trade system consistently, despite security crises. The Hai-Cheng海 澄 - Manila trade network kept flourishing by balancing the Ming's security interest and the merchant's economic interest. 
The Spain authority in Manila also played an essential role in this trade network due to maintaining a non-hostile mood with the Ming built up during initial contact. The massacre of the Chinese in 1603 could escalate into a severe conflict between these empires. However, both powers defused the situation quickly by a swift diplomatic negotiation. The Hai-Cheng海澄 - Manila trade network kept functioning as if nothing had happened.

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31594년 복건순무(福建巡撫) 허부원(許孚遠)의 루손(呂宋) 사신단 파견 ― '7명의 중국관원' 파견의 전말 ―

저자 : 南玟玖 ( Nam¸ Min-gu )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 54권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 81-109 (29 pages)

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On October 1593, in the middle of the Philippine Sea, Chinese crews on board a Spanish galley commited a mutiny, and it led to a 30 to 40 Spanish casualties, where Goméz Pérez Dasmariñas, the 7th Governer and Captain General of the Philippines Islands, was killed in the military expedition to the Molucca Islands, also knowns as the Spice Islands. After returning to Manila, Luis Pérez Dasmariñas, who was a son of the late Governor, succeded to his father's position as Governor.
On January 1594, a fleet of ships from China anchored off the coast of Manila, from which seven mandarins, Ming Chinese officers, disembarked at the port of Manila. They included three military officers and four merchants, one of whom was Chen Shen, a Fujianese merchant, who had been dispatched to Ryukyu as a secret agent.
They were dispatched by Xu Fuyuan, who was then a Governor of Fujian province, with a public mission to bring back to China Sangleyes, Chinese overseas residing in Manila. But when they visited Luis, they said to him that Ming government would offer him military support. And they began to investigate whether relationship had been established between Luzón and Japan.
Luis was suspicious of Sangleyes' behaviors because they had murdered his father and had trade with Japanese, he believed it might lead to a conspiracy to rise in rebellion against Spanish, and he banished Sangleyes from Luzón to China. So, Luis refused to accept their offer, but he did not do anything against seven mandarins' plan to bring Sangleyes back to China. For Ming and Luzón, Sangleyes were likely to be the marginal people who were potentially threatening both coasts, with Japanese force.
Meanwhile, Xu Fuyuan dispatched them to present memorials to Ming court, suggesting that Ming court establish a relation with Luzón to support war in Korea, taking it as 'outer support(外援)'. No matter whether Luzón actually had accepted his offer of Ming's military support, Xu suggested Ming court take Luzón as Ming's supporter.

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4명초(明初) 홍무연간(洪武年間) 주자학적 지배 체제와 불교

저자 : 李美亭 ( Lee¸ Mi-jeong )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 54권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 111-134 (24 pages)

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This study is to examine the role of Buddhism in the ideology system of Cheng-Chu Neo-Confucianism through the Buddhist policy of Hong-Wu Emperor. The Hong-Wu Emperor insisted on the Convergence of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism(三敎一致) and tried to use Buddhism for the edification of the people. He also tried to stabilize the religious life of the people by using Buddhist metempsychosis(輪廻) and immortal spirit(神不滅). For this purpose, Hong-Wu Emperor incorporated Yuka's Monks, which was responsible for the Religious Activities in the private sector until the previous era, into the policy. The role of Yuka's Monks was to recite Buddhist scriptures and mantra and pray for the happiness of the dead. The reason why Hong-Wu Emperor considered Yuka's Monks important was that many people died in the war at the end of the Yuan Dynasty. and people were afraid of ghosts, but Cheng-Chu Neo-Confucianism recognized the existence of ghosts but did not consider them important, so he could not present a solution. Therefore, Hong-Wu Emperor gave Buddhism the task of eliminating the sins in the afterlife and the present. This is because Buddhism is expected to supplement religious defects in the Cheng-Chu Neo-Confucianism ideology system. *

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5청대 강남 농민의 소득 구조 ― 송대와의 비교를 중심으로 ―

저자 : 洪成和 ( Hong¸ Sung-hwa )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 54권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 135-175 (41 pages)

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No farmers at any time and any region would not want to have more revenue and more stable benefits. To achieve this goal, various conditions such as stable agricultural conditions and the development of rural markets were essential. In the Song Dynasty, intensive agricultural methods have already emerged but the conditions for land have not been met to realize them and the rural markets have not developed either. Therefore, under these conditions, benefits from farming were inevitably high in general. After that time, through the middle of the Ming Dynasty, the rural markets have been developed with the incorporation of the silver economy and the conditions for farming began to be equipped to handle the flood damage as well. This enabled farmers to increase agricultural production in a way of intensifying agricultural work. Farmers not only have been doing diverse works from planting and weeding to harvest according to their agricultural power but also trying to plant various species in a way of distributing family labor forces to equalize the labor demands for farming season evenly and avoid to hire external labor forces. Further to this, members of the small farming were engaged in the cotton textile industry (that is, the Proto industry) using surplus labor during the agricultural off-season.
In other words, farmers in the Jiangnan in the Qing Dynasty were to able to overcome the limitation of natural resources, especially limits of the area of land, through technological and institutional efforts to fully make use of the family labor forces and reach the goal of the continuous population growth and a gradual rise of living standards. As such, the continuous improvement of labor intensity has led to a significant increase in the absorbency of labor forces (annual working days per person and working hours per day), and with this regard, the industrial revolution took place in the Jiangnan region in the Qing Dynasty.

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617세기 초 조선(朝鮮)의 이원적 대여진(對女眞) 교섭과 '번호규례(藩胡規例)'

저자 : 張禎洙 ( Jang¸ Jung-soo )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 54권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 177-226 (50 pages)

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This article dealt with Joseon's dualistic policy toward Jianzhou Jurchen and Hūlun in the early 17th century. Joseon's policy toward the Jurchens was composed of two different notions. The Hard-line policy and the appeasement Policy. By combining these policies, Joseon tried to stabilize the border land. To this end it was essential to recruit Jurchens who lived on the outskirts together and Joseon sought to secure friendly forces by providing A letter of Bestowing Title and feudal allowance to the Jurchens who paid their respect. As a result, around the 16th century, there were 'Joseon-friendly Jurchens' called Boundary Jurchens on the marginal area, who were perceived as fences against Deep-dwelling Jurchens that resided outside in another realm. Joseon's policy toward Jurchen changed with the emergence of powerful Jurchen tribes from the late 16th to early 17th centuries. As Jianzhou Jurchen and Hūlun, who were considered Deep-dwelling Jurchens, attempted to establish relations with Joseon, conflicts arose over the attribution of Boundary Jurchens that served as a kind of “buffer zone.” Joseon seek mediation from the Ming Dynasty in order to gain authority over Boundary Jurchens. However, by taking Nurhaci's side in the Liaodong Public Offices of the Ming Dynasty, the concept of Boundary Jurchens no longer existed on the periphery of Joseon. Joseon, who faced the border with Jianzhou Jurchen and Hūlun due to the loss of Boundary Jurchens, was forced to promote friendship with them. Using the ordinances of the Boundary Jurchens, A letter of Bestowing Title and feudal allowance were given to Jianzhou Jurchen and Hūlun. In doing so, Joseon was able to Justify their action as the loose rein policy. Although the two-way negotiation with Jianzhou Jurchen and Hūlun lasted for a relatively short period of time, it was distinctly different from the previous foreign policy toward Jurchen in that it was a mutual relationship. Furthermore, Joseon supported Hūlun behind the scenes and tried to prevent the expansion of Jianzhou Jurchen. However, when Jianzhou Jurchen integrate Hūlun in 1613, the dualistic policy toward Jurchen based on the 'Boundary Jurchens Regulations' was dissolved. Nurhaci of Jianzhou Jurchen virtually unified the Jurchens and built up a Jurchen State, Later Jin. Joseon's foreign policy toward Jurchen, which was based on 'Boundary Jurchens Rules' had an important meaning. It was a link leading to relationship setting with The Later Jin and also a step toward establishing relations with Qing in the upcoming future.

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7청대 무란의 가을사냥과 동삼성 팔기 관병

저자 : 金宣旼 ( Kim¸ Seon-min )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 54권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 227-263 (37 pages)

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As a means of practicing warfare, hunting was deemed highly important among many northern people, including the Khitans and Jurchens. Later the Manchus developed a new military and social organization, the Eight Banners, which originated from their traditional hunting units. During the Qing period, the Manchu emperors built a hunting preserve at Mulan and held grand hunting ceremonies in the fall, for the purposes of training banner soldiers and checking their military prowess.
The hunt at Mulan also had a political significance: various Mongol tribes, whom the Manchus subjugated militarily, were invited to the hunting at Mulan and had to pledge their allegiance to the emperor. The autumn hunting at the Mulan preserve has attracted scholarly attention because it demonstrated many features of the Qing Empire. But previous studies have mostly relied on Chinese documents and discussed the Mulan hunt only from the perspective of the imperial court. However, it was not only the emperor and imperial families that attended the hunt at Mulan. The banner soldiers, especially from the Three Eastern Provinces (Ma. dorgi ilan golo), were dispatched to escort the emperor from Beijing to Mulan and participate in the hunt, by holding spears, attacking tigers, riding horses, and shooting arrows in front of the emperor. The hunt at Mulan was a grand ceremony in which the emperor was able to demonstrate his power to his subjects; simultaneously it was mandatory dispatch work (Ma. alban) imposed on the banner soldiers of the Three Eastern Provinces.
Unlike other Qing documents written in Chinese, Manchu documents in the Records of the Office of the Lieutenant Governor of Hunchun includes many entries about the banner soldiers who were sent to Mulan to attend the hunting. Generals and lieutenant governors exchanged numerous letters to discuss how to select capable soldiers, train them properly, and provide their travel expenses to Mulan. These Manchu records show us that it was the banner soldiers of the Three Eastern Provinces who sustained the hunt at Mulan, a symbol of the Manchu tradition and imperial glory during the Qing period.

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The existence of the Documents of the Qingshui River must have brought new attention to the minority community in the province. The study is aimed at examining the behavior of influential people following the first paper that unearthed influential people based on Jiachi village single-sale documents in the Documents of the Qingshui River. Thus, unlike the first paper, which intensively analyzed single-sale documents among the documents related to Jiachi village, the 1-2-5 series documents, which record only the contents of conflicts, lawsuits and crimes between individuals, was used as the main materials here.
The social aspect of Jinping district, which appears in 1-2-5 series documents, was clearly a society where extreme conflict and competition existed, and it was clear that influential people were engaged in mudslinging for their own interests, and the main contents of this paper were as follows.
First, we can first confirm that there were serious social crimes, such as murder and rape, as well as crimes such as theft and default on repayment of debts, which were no different from any other Han Chinese society. However, due to the nature of the Jiachi village society, which focuses on forestry, among these various crimes, the most notable were the so-called 'yuejieqiangkan(越界强砍, cut down a tree by invading the border)' acts, and most of the lawsuits between individuals, which account for about 80 percent of 132 documents affiliated with 1-2-5, were due to the acts mentioned just above.
Second, this illegal lumber barber was more than just an antagonism between individuals, and lawsuits and conflicts developed among the villages. However, it is noteworthy that the main driver of the illegal logging was the gentlemen of Jiachi village, and the participants were the influential figures who had fallen economically in the Jiachi village. For example, documents from 1-2-5 affiliates show that Wang Zhihao(王治浩), originally belonged to a poor class but had been at odds with Jiang Zuoxing(姜佐興) since joining the ranks of the gentlemen, and that once rich Jiang Chaoying(姜朝英) and Jiang Chaobi(姜朝弼) sold almost all of their assets to Jiang Zuoxing. The stories of these characters provide important clues that society has undergone many changes between Daoguang and Xianfeng periods, while social mobility has been quite frequent.
Third, illegal practices involving various crimes and timber have been frequent, but on the other hand, it is also confirmed that the powerful have devoted themselves to protecting their forestry, which is the basis of their economic activities. The specific aspects are well illustrated in the measures to prevent the bandits, which have occurred frequently since the Daoguang period. It is the fact that in the joint efforts of the influential people to prevent bandits, forestry must be protected uniformly in addition to routine measures such as cooperation for blocking bandits and blocking entry of suspicious individuals. This clearly means that the most basic purpose of defending against outside invasive forces, such as bandits, was to protect forestry, which is the basis of society, beyond simply maintaining local security. In this regard, it is also very significant that not only fines were imposed on those who violate forestry protection, but also that the fact of the crime was widely publicized to the community.
Finally, most of the characters in the 1-2-5 series are obviously members of the Jiang clan, but it is also meaningful to note that they are descendants of Jiang Fuchen(姜輔臣), who are different from the Jiang clan of the Siheyuan (四合院), which was mentioned in the previous article. The reason for this is that the documents are tracking individual figures appearing in Documents of the Qingshui River, breaking away from case-by-case studies such as sale of the forestry fields, the peculiar customs of minority society, occurrence and settlement of disputes between indviduals, inheritance, and women's status. Given the fact that the Jiang clan of Jiachi village still has documents to buy the forestry fields so far, access to such individual figures is a good example to prove the long-term continuation of minority society, which naturally requires more diverse research on this issue.

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9토지, 주택, 점포 ― 청대 북경 천주교 북당(北堂)의 경제적 기반 ―

저자 : 李俊甲 ( Lee¸ Jun-gab )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 54권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 309-351 (43 pages)

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The North Church, which existed in Beijing, the capital of Qing Dynasty and metropolis, owned real estate such as land, shops and houses around 1820, and was earning about 10,000 taels of tenant farming and rent each year. The largest portion of real estate income was the shop rent, which accounted for 75 percent of the total, or 7,600 taels. The fact that most of the real estate income came from shops means that the economic base of the North Church was primarily dependent on urban commerce. The second-largest portion of real estate income was the tenant farming, which accounted for 22 percent of the total, or 2,200 taels.
It was one of the important economic foundations of the North Church, with a low proportion compared to shop rent, but not a small amount in absolute terms. The North Church also had the aspect of a landowner who owned large-scale land in a rural area near Beijing and was paid for tenant farming. And there was a house rent of 300 taels, or 2.9 percent of the total rent. Two to four percent of rental returns for houses were lower than those for shops. Also, it was more difficult to find a house tenant than to find a shop tenant. Thus, it seems that the North Church purchased and rented more shops than houses in Beijing. The North Church has not only used real estate as an economic basis for earning rent or tenant farming. Missionaries living in the North Church actively engaged in missionary work by forming religious ties with land tenants and shop tenants through real estate. It is not clear how the North Church came to own large-scale real estate. However, the North Church must have owned a large-scale property before 1775, when the order to dissolve the Jesuit was issued by the Vatican was executed in China.
Originally, the real estate jurisdiction of the North Church was held by the French Jesuit priests. After the Vatican ordered the dissolution of the Jesuit, the Lazarist missionary from France received and managed the assets of the North Church. The priest Lamiot, who compiled the real estate list, was also a French Lazarist missionary. However, when the Jesuit was dissolved, the person to expand real estate disappeared from church, and the Lazarist missionaries who received their property focused on management.
I believe that real estate ownership in the North Church reached its peak around 1750 when Emperor Qianlong legalized illegal land ownership by Beijing Jesuit missionaries such as Giuseppe Castiglióne

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1018~19세기 청대(淸代) 전량(錢糧)의 전납(錢納)과 지방재정

저자 : 朴贊根 ( Park¸ Chan-geun )

발행기관 : 명청사학회 간행물 : 명청사연구 54권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 345-388 (44 pages)

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The Qing Dynasty has been opening the path of tax payment in coins('錢納') since Shunzhi period. Initially, 錢納 was allowed in the name of activating the circulation of coins. In 1733, For the convenience of the people, Yongzheng Emperor continued to allow 錢納, and a relatively specific standard was established by limiting the total amount of tax to be paid to less than 1/10 taels. However, during the Qianlong period, each provinces showed differences in the practice of 錢納 differently from the principles according to local circumstances. This trend is gradually accelerating, and it seems that during the year of Jiaqing and Daoguang, a wider range of 錢納 was implemented. The reason that 錢納 was expanded was because 錢納 became an additional income for local finance. Since each province of the Qing Dynasty had to provide voluntary expenses for local expenditures even through the tānjuān('攤捐'), they collected more by carrying out 錢納 regardless of whether silver was expensive or cheap. The problem lies in the way the emperor and the Board of Revenue deal with local governments who use the local facts and ignore the principles suggested by the dynasty. During all periods of Qianlong, Jiaqing, and Daoguang, inspectors have accused the facts of taxation that are inconsistent with the rules of the dynasty. Each time, the emperor referred to the principles of the dynasty and ordered the provincial officials to be strictly control or to investigate the actual situation. Provincial officials acted according to the emperor's orders, but at every opportunity, they professed the inevitability of local circumstances, and gradually devised a method that was different from the principles of the dynasty. In this process, the emperor understands the local situation through provincial officials, and appears to condone the other administrative methods and principles of the province('省例'). I think it is about finding a balance between punishment and acquiescence by getting a report of the truth through inspectors, understanding the situation through provincial officials. It can be seen that the local situation, which differs from the principles of the dynasty, was not necessarily a point to be recognized as a slackness of discipline of local government. The unavoidable circumstances recognized by the emperor, provincial officials, and local officials in relation to the management of local finances could lead to the emperor's acquiescence. However, the emperor always had the power to draw swords and cruelly punish local officials who violate the rules of the dynasty, and throughout the Qing Dynasty, it can be seen that in certain cases. On the border between punishment and acquiescence, the standard consensus('公議') of the rulers seems to be lurking. At least, the '公議' seen through the issues of local financial management and 錢納 dealt with in this paper had a great relationship with whether it actually harmed or provided convenience to small-famers('小戶'). In a situation where it was inevitable to obtain the need for management from the people, even a practical fúshōu('浮收') or additional collection could be tolerated even if it deviated from the rules of the dynasty to some extent if it was ultimately comfortable for the people. If there was no basis to admit it as an inevitable situation, It was never tolerated to be ultimately judged to be harmful to the people. The line between punishment and acquiescence, where '公議' are located, has the potential to change location gradually depending on the time or issue. in that flexibility, It seems that the foundation for the expansion of local finances has already been established from an early period.

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1연안해역에서 석유오염물질의 세균학적 분해에 관한 연구

(2006)홍길동 외 1명심리학41회 피인용

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2미국의 비트코인 규제

(2006)홍길동심리학41회 피인용

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2미국의 비트코인 규제

(2006)홍길동41회 피인용

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고려대학교 서울대학교 강원대학교 University of Pennsylvania 경희대학교
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