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한국중세사연구 update

The Journal of Korean Medieval History

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수록정보
수록범위 : 1권0호(1994)~63권0호(2020) |수록논문 수 : 626
한국중세사연구
63권0호(2020년 11월) 수록논문
최근 권호 논문
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KCI등재

1고려시대의 사송(詞訟) 인식과 운영

저자 : 채웅석 ( Chai¸ Oong-seok )

발행기관 : 한국중세사학회 간행물 : 한국중세사연구 63권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 11-47 (37 pages)

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This thesis examined the perception of Sasong (Civil Procedure) and its operation in Goryeo dynasty. It seems that Sasong wasn't severe during the early Goryeo dynasty. But it increased significantly and piled up according to social changes since the 12th century. There was not choice to use a lot of historical records of the latter period due to the lack of records related to Sasong in the earlier period. So it should be distinguished between what was common in the whole period of Goryeo and the new phenomenon appeared in the latter period.
It considered that political ideal is to realize a society without Sasong according to Confucian ideology. However, in reality, it acknowledged the inevitability of Sasong and operated the Sasong system to resolve Woneok (resentment). In Confucianism, Woneok was recognized as a cause of natural disasters. The state legally protected Sasong rights and emphasized that the judge should make fair and speedy trial. It operated the Sangpi system (the system to prevent conflicts of interest) for fairness while the plaintiff and the defendant were given equal chance to plead before the court, and judged according to the rule of evidence. And it set the deadline legally to prevent the delay in judgment. If disagreeing with the results of the trial, it could be taking retrials or appeals. But as Sasong increased sharply, it began to limit the repetition of Sasong at the last period.
It valued justification and moral feelings as the standard of judicial hearing and decision. However, if considering moral feelings, it may be criticized as making by personal feelings and may not be able to strictly apply the law. So it generally tended to value the objective documentary evidences and to judge in accordance with laws and regulations.

KCI등재

2고려시대 세금 감면 어휘의 용례와 의미

저자 : 오치훈 ( Oh¸ Chi-hoon )

발행기관 : 한국중세사학회 간행물 : 한국중세사연구 63권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 49-75 (27 pages)

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Looking at “The History of Goryeo(高麗史)”, countless tax cut articles have been identified, raising questions about how the finances could have been managed. Indeed, did fiscal income reach a certain level every year during the Goryeo Dynasty without much fluctuation? If not, how did they manage their finances during the Goryeo Dynasty?
This paper began with such a simple problem consciousness, and tries to understand the tax reduction data, which has been studied from the perspective of welfare policy, in terms of financial operation. First of all, data from the Goryeo Dynasty were examined to find the vocabulary for tax reduction, and then the representative vocabulary was analyzed to understand its meaning. As a result, we came to the following conclusion.
During the Goryeo Dynasty, terms such as 蠲, 減, 免, 放, 除, 輕, 復, 賜, 蠲免, 蠲減, 蠲放, 蠲除折放, 全放, 全除, 放除, 減除 used in relation to tax reduction. The most frequently used terms are 蠲, 減, 免, 放, 蠲免, accounting for 90 percent of the total cases. These terms also meant reducing some of the taxes, but most of them meant exempting them. Exemptions did not mean that a portion of the tax should be reduced to pay less, but that there was nothing to pay.
Until now, these terms have been interpreted as reducing taxes without clear standards, but it is more accurate to interpret them as exemptions. Based on this, the government will conduct research ranging from the reasons and procedures for future tax cuts to financial management to reveal the characteristics of Goryeo society more clearly.

KCI등재

3고려 마도 1·2호선 목간을 통해 본 조(租)의 수취방식과 토지의 성격

저자 : 김기섭 ( Kim¸ Ki-seob )

발행기관 : 한국중세사학회 간행물 : 한국중세사연구 63권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 77-119 (43 pages)

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The discovery of Mado Shipwreck No.1~3 was noted as a new source of data in various fields, including transportation, marine transportation system, tax grain transporter and land issues. Among them, Mado Shipwreck No.1, 2 is estimated to have sunk to 1208 in the early 13th century, which shows the various aspects of Goryeo society before Yuan intervention period. The excavation of wooden tablets show the senders·receivers in relation to various grain transport, the type and quantity of the grain and the gifts of meju(fermented soybean lump)·salted fish, etc. are also.
In this article, it is assumed that there may be a certain relationship between the two, noting the relationship between the land paid to the 'Murokgeupjeonja (無祿給田者)' shown in the Goryeodogyeong(『高麗圖經』) published during the King Injong(仁宗) period and 'Jeonchul(田出)', 'Jeonchuljeongjo(田出正租)' shown in Mado Shipwreck No.1, 2.
According to the Goryeodogyeong(『高麗圖經』), Sangwan Dongjeongjikja(散官同正職者) are given land without stipend, and those lands are recorded to be in the provinces. This article, which says that local land was paid to those who entered official posts through the Choipsa(初入仕), leaves room to infer the property of Mado Shipwreck No.1, 2.
It can be seen that these lands were scattered mainly in the Honam area(湖南), Yeongamgun(靈巖郡)'s Juksanhyeon(竹山縣), Jangheungbu(長興府)'s Sunyeonghyeon(遂寧縣) and Yeonggwanggun(寧光郡)'s Musonghyeon(茂松縣), Jangsahyeon (長沙縣), etc, at that days. Although it is difficult to say conclusively, Murokgeupjeonja(無祿給田者)'s Gwajeon(科田) and other officials' Gajeon(家田) ·Youngupjeon(永業田) are distributed around these areas, and it is possible to infer the possibility that the people of Sokhyeon(屬縣) were used as cultivators. It seems that Hyangri classes(鄕吏層) collected taxes from these lands and made Chaji(次知) responsible for shipment·transportation.
In addition, it is assumed that pure Gajeon(家田) or Jeonjang(田莊) may have existed, and that they may have entrusted the work from cultivation to transportation through Saja(使者) who are inferred as Gain(家人) of the relevant management. Also, there are some cases where only the sender's name comes up because there is no role like a Saja(使者). This is also the case.
Overall, the excavation of Mado Shipwreck provided meaningful data that contributed greatly to the understanding of the transportation history, tax system, and land system during the Goryeo Dynasty. Nevertheless, it is also true that many questions and limitations are revealed. In particular, the loss of wooden tablets·bamboo Slips makes it difficult to understand overall, and the limitations of deciphering also make it difficult to grasp the data. These problems are expected to be resolved little by little through continuous excavation and systematic deciphering.

KCI등재

4고려초 통진대사(通眞大師) 양경(讓景)의 행적(行蹟)과 태자사(太子寺)의 위상 - 안동 용수사 소장 양경비편을 중심으로 -

저자 : 한기문 ( Han¸ Ki-moon )

발행기관 : 한국중세사학회 간행물 : 한국중세사연구 63권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 121-153 (33 pages)

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By newly discovered epitaph and Nanggong Master stone-script and postscripts I studied Yanggyeong's trace and role. With these my thesis explored the rebinding process in the center of Taeja Temple from the later Shilla to Goryeo Gwangjong.
Yanggyeong's epitaph seems to be written between 1012 and 1014 Ad. On the basis of his ancestors' prestige he was the 6 stratum Literature from Shilla royal family. So in 893 AD. he had the monk-becoming will at 15 years old in 893. At early 20s he became the monk under priest Haengjeok in Taeja Temple. Studying in China before 917 he succeeded Namjongseon. In 928 he returned and assisted Goryeo Taejo. In Gwangjong he was Gukju Temple's head monk and Geonseungwon's Buddhist-master. This was Naewondang(內願堂) as King's eye and ear.
In 954(Gwangjong 5) Yanggyeong built Haengjeok's tombstone in Taeja Temple by himself. In Gwangjong it was the center temple that associated the dharma-brothers. Gulsanmun's Haengjeok-line founded at Gulsansa in Myeongju(溟州) regrouped in the center of Taeja Temple more strongly.
On the changing time to 10~11C, specially each Sanmun of Transcendental Denomination developed the center-temple building process through the construction of master-pupils tower-script from later Shilla to earlier Goryeo in Gwangjong. By the foundation of Goryeo virtuoso priests's monumenttowers with Shilla teachers' memorials each Sanmun restrengthened himself.

KCI등재

5고려전기 주현군(州縣軍)의 활동과 지휘

저자 : 구산우 ( Koo¸ San-woo )

발행기관 : 한국중세사학회 간행물 : 한국중세사연구 63권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 155-202 (48 pages)

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In the early Goryeo period(高麗前期), Juhyeon-gun(州縣軍) consisted of five different types:Boseung-gun(保勝軍), Jeongyong-gun(精勇軍), Ilpum- gun(一品軍), Yipum-gun(二品軍), and Sampum-gun(三品軍). Among Juhyeon-gun, Boseung-gun and Jeongyong-gun were the most elite troops, and the number of Boseung-gun, Jeongyong-gun and Ilpum-gun were determined by the central government.
The most important tasks carried out by Boseung-gun and Jeongyong-gun were military affairs such as beon-sang-si-wi(番上侍衛;mandatory military service), bangsu(防戍;border defense), and suppressing the rebellion. Boseunggun and Jeongyong-gun were mobilized to produce certain materials that required large-scale labor, such as the construction of fortresses, the manufacture of government ships, and logging. The fortresses they participated in constructing included Chiso Castle(治所城) and Ipbosanseong Fortress(入保山城), and they were mobilized not only in constructing fortresses of their own towns but also in other areas.
Ilpum-gun was composed of soldiers who carried out both military and labor duties. These two-sided functions of Ilpum-gun are distinguished from those of Boseung-gun and Jeongyong-gun focusing on military missions, and from those of Yipum-gun and Sampum-gun centering around labor duties whose total numbers were not definitely identified. The representative military mission of Ilpum-gun was to suppress the rebellion. Ilpum-gun did not carry out mandatory military service and border defense, but basically carried out military missions in their hometown. Ilpum-gun was also mobilized for a large-scale civil engineering project conducted in the town of Gaegyeong(開京), the capital and in their hometown.
Yipum-gun and Sampum-gun were a type of Juhyeon-gun, which was composed of those who had no siblings to serve their elderly parents over the age of 70. The fact that Yipum-gun was mobilized for the construction of Chiso Castle in his hometown can be found in the inscribed rooftiles of Goseong-hyeon(固城縣). Recently, a number of inscribed rooftiles have been unearthed showing that Yangho(養戶) participated in the construction of Chiso Castle in Goseong-hyeon. This shows that Yangho was also mobilized to construct Chiso Castle.
Anchalsa(按察使), Gyaesu-gwan(界首官), Suryeong and Busa(副使) of Juhyeon (主縣), Sokgwan(屬官), and Hyangri(鄕吏) were in charge of Juhyeon-gun.

KCI등재

6여몽전쟁 후반기 강화 추진과 무신

저자 : 박재우 ( Park¸ Jae-woo )

발행기관 : 한국중세사학회 간행물 : 한국중세사연구 63권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 203-252 (50 pages)

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It was understood that the peace during the war between Goryeo and Mongolia was promoted by civil ministers. So It wasn't interested in the role of the military subjects. However, in the second half of the Goryeo and Mongolian wars, both civil ministers and military subjects participated in the promotion of the peace. Therefore, it is necessary to have a balanced understanding of the promotion of peace.
The military subjects engaged in diplomatic activities promoting peace with civil ministers. The diplomatic ambassadors of civil ministers and military subjects served to stop the Mongol invasion, withdraw the Mongolian army, and end the war. Jaechus led discussion of the peace. The civil ministers and military subjects of the 3-4 ranks did not differ from those of the Jaechus. The Jaechus of civil ministers and military subjects were discussed at the policy meeting for the promotion of peace and the end of the war.
Jaechus, who promoted peace, agreed to peace without distinction between civil ministers and military subjects, and were active in promoting peace. Jaechus had many family members and party members of the Choi's regime, and they led the peace discussion. It was because they were supported by the Choi's regime and had greater influence in the bureaucratic society than other bureaucrats.
There were reasons for promoting the peace together with civil ministers and military subjects. Mongolia's offensive threatened the national destiny, the political and military centripetal power of the Choi's regime weakened, the bond of the family and the party weakened, and the even if the Choi's regime collapsed, it was able to maintain the position of the ruling class. The promotion of peace in the second half of the war between Goryeo and Mongolia must be seen as pursued by civil ministers and military subjects.

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7고려 말 왜구 침구와 정지(鄭地)의 대왜구(對倭寇) 평정전략

저자 : 최성욱 ( Choe¸ Seong-uk )

발행기관 : 한국중세사학회 간행물 : 한국중세사연구 63권 0호 발행 연도 : 2020 페이지 : pp. 253-283 (31 pages)

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This study investigates Jeong Ji who served as a military leader in the fourteenth century, the historical period marked by frequent invasions of Japanese invaders. Jeong Ji held various positions, including Navy Marshal, and spent most of his career in repulsing Japanese invaders. JeongJi is an individual who is not well known to the public, research is also lacking compared to other figures.
While playing a key role in repulse Japanese invaders alongwith Choe Young and Lee Sunggye, Jeong Ji insisted on the use of new tactics that are different from existing strategies such as combat by force and land warfare. His new tactics to deal with Japanese invaders are described in his letter of opinion submitted in the 23rd year of King Kongmin, which now serve as a valuable historical writing. Unlike the land warfare where Choe Young and Lee Sunggye succeeded the battlefields, the hegemony of the navy warfare was overtaken by Japanese invaders after a series of Goryeo's losses. Prior to Jeong Ji's letter, Choe Young, Woo Hyeonbo, and Lee Hee had submitted other letters of opinion to resolve the problem but in vain.
Jeong Ji's letter submitted in the 23rd year of King Kongmin outline the problems of the Goryeo Dynasty's navy as follows:Byeongmasa(a local military official in the Goryeo Dynasty) appointed military leaders who have no professional experience as commanders of the navy;the navy commanders had no experience in the navy warfare;and corrupted officials had been appointed as commanders. The major suggestion of Jeong Ji's anti-Japanese invaders strategies was to build a navy through specialized training. Such strategy was essential to take the upper hand in the navy warfare against Japanese invaders. Once the navy's competitiveness is secured, another crucial tactic was to construct warships.
As the Battle of Jinpo became a new turning point for withdrawing raiders, the Battle of Gwaneumpo led to lessening invasions of Japanese raiders. Even with the achievements made from the battles, it could not stop raiders from invading. To eradicate the invasions once and for all, JeongJi filed an appeal to punish Daemado.
To resolve the conflicts of invading raiders and of involving diplomatic relations with Japan and China, JeongJi filed an appeal to punish Daemado and Iki Island where the raiders were based. Unfortunately, the appeal was turned down due to the turbulent political party. It was until the first year of King Chang's reign where Park Wui of Gyeongsangdo Dowonsu (provincial military leader) led the conquest of Daemado.
Immediately after the founding of the Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮), the King acknowledged Jeong Ji's contributions to defeating Japanese invaders by building warships and conferred benefits to his descendants, as a sign of the Dynasty's recognition of the effectiveness of his anti-Japanese invaders strategies.
Although he died at the young age of 45, he was a warrior who had a great influence on the naval forces when the nation was at crisis from Japanese invasion during the late Goryeo Dynasty. He valued the role of naval forces and sought to eradicate Japanese pirates by accurately grasping the international situation.

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1연안해역에서 석유오염물질의 세균학적 분해에 관한 연구

(2006)홍길동 외 1명심리학41회 피인용

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(2006)홍길동41회 피인용

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