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EWHA SAHAK YEONGU (A Bulletin of the Ewha Historical Institutions)

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수록범위 : 1권0호(1966)~57권0호(2018) |수록논문 수 : 614
이화사학연구
57권0호(2018년 12월) 수록논문
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1Artistic Contact between Italy and Mongol Eurasia: State of the Field

저자 : Anne Dunlop

발행기관 : 이화사학연구소 간행물 : 이화사학연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 1-36 (36 pages)

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Until recently, there had been little study of the links between Italian art and Mongol Eurasia. This is now changing, as art historians have grown more interested in global art, and in artistic exchange and contact across cultures. This essay offers a short overview of this developing field. It first discusses the types of visual evidence available for study. It then gives a brief history of research. It ends with a single case study: a large wall painting in Siena by the local painter Ambrogio Lorenzetti. Since the year 2000, there have been several articles on this painting. It is thus a useful example of how research in this field is developing, and of the challenges of evidence and method that occur.

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2The Building of East Asia's Image in Medieval Europe: William of Rubrouck and Odoric of Pordenone at the Court of the Great Qa'an

저자 : Alvise Andreose

발행기관 : 이화사학연구소 간행물 : 이화사학연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 37-59 (23 pages)

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Starting from the mid-13th century a phase of contact between East Asia and Europe began, which ended around 1368, with the end of the Mongol Yuan dynasty and the ascent of the Chinese Ming dynasty. About halfway through the 13th century, in the European linguistic-cultural space, numerous began to circulate that communicated a “new” image of China compared to that transmitted by ancient sources. The first travellers to journey to East Asia and to reach the Khan's court at the epoch of the Mongol expansion, were the Franciscan Friars Giovanni da Pian di Carpine and William of Rubrouck. Their accounts were followed by those of merchants, such as Marco Polo, and other Friars Minor, such as Odoric of Pordenone. A flow of information reached Europe, gradually reshaping the traditional, consolidated image of East Asia. The Mongol expansion in the thirteenth century was a tragic event, which caused monstrous slaughters and massacres, ruins and famine throughout Asia and Europe. At the same time, it brought into contact different peoples of differing cultures and created a sort of common area in which a great number of people could move quite freely. Material wealth circulated together with men, but also there was a circulation of intangible wealth. The personal experiences of missionaries like William of Rubrouck and Odoric of Pordenone represent some of the clearest examples of this valuable exchanges between West and East that took place during the Pax Mongolica.

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3중세 여행기의 새로운 정보 서술: 요르다누스 인도 여행기의 사례

저자 : 박용진 ( Yong Jin Park )

발행기관 : 이화사학연구소 간행물 : 이화사학연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 61-85 (25 pages)

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Travel accounts started flourishing in the late middle ages, until the Mongolian Empire fell down in mid-fourteenth century. Jordanus de Catala's travel account ('Mirabilia Descripta') was unique. At first glance, this travel account does not seem exciting, because some of the contents had already been described in other travel accounts in detail and in abundance. The most notable thing is the word 'mirabilia' (marvelous things). In the Middle Ages, the term 'mirabilia' meant monsters, surprising things and miracles in the Orient. But Jordanus used the same word to describe what he observed in India. Though he did not discard the traditional meaning of the word 'mirabilia', he threw it out into the third India, i.e. Africa. In short, by using the same word in a comprehensive meaning, Jordanus integrated unwittingly, or even intentionally, the newly obtained knowledge into the traditional encyclopedic knowledge system. It shows how the originality of the Orient contained in the medieval travel accounts was reflected in the late medieval maps and was integrated in the traditional encyclopedic system.

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4대몽골국 초기(1206~1259) 카라코룸으로 간 고려사신들

저자 : 김장구 ( Kim Jang Goo )

발행기관 : 이화사학연구소 간행물 : 이화사학연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 87-121 (35 pages)

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Until now, studies based on the relationship between Koryo(高麗) and the Great Mongol Empire(Yeke Mongγol Ulus) have mainly focused on Mongol's invasions and Koryo's defense against them. However, Koryo did not always fight against Mongol before Koryo was conquered by Mongol. Koryo would send envoys to the imperial capital, Qaraqorum(和林), several times as well. In some travelogues by European envoys who had visited Qaraqorum to take a precaution, they were greatly surprised at Mongol's invasions to Eastern Europe in the early period of the Great Mongol Empire. Few detailed records can be found on 'the chief of Solangi(Koryo, 高麗)' and 'envoys of Solanga'.
In particular, Plano de Carpini had mentioned Solangi 6 times in his book. One possibility of the identity of the chief envoy from Koryo whom Plano de Carpini had met is that he was the Duke of Sinan(新 安公), Wang Jeon(王佺). He, at that time, left Koryo in tenth month in 1245 by lunar calendar and returned back in the second intercalary month of 1249. The other possibility is that he was the Duke of Yeongnyeong(永寧公), Wang Joon(王綧), who was sent to Mongol as 'turqaγ(禿魯花)', the hostage, in fourth month of 1241 by the lunar calendar, and returned back in the ninth month of 1255. So far, there have been various opinions about those 'envoys of Koryo' whom Carpini met with, in addition to the two mentioned above, other opinions are that he was Gojong(高宗), the Duke of Yeongnyeong, Wang Joon or the Duke of Sinan, Wang Jeon. However, in my opinion, it is much more likely that both of the Duke of Sinan, Wang Jeon and the Duke of Yeongnyeong, Wang Joon were the envoys whom Carpini had met with.
William of Rubruck also recorded two notes of Koryo; 'Solanga' and 'Caule'. One of 'the ambassadors of Solanga' he had encountered with, was the Duke of Yeongnyeong, Wang Joon, who attended the coronation ceremony of Guyuk qa'an, mentioned as 'the chief of Solangi' by Carpini. The other one was the Duke of Angyeong(安慶公), Wang Chang(王淐). The Duke of Angyeong, Wang Chang was more like the chief of 'the ambassadors of Solanga' who Rubruk had encountered with. Nevertheless, there still remains a possibility that he could have met both of them, the Duke of Yeongnyeong, Wang Joon and the Duke of Angyeong, Wang Chang, because 'the ambassadors' is a plural form not a singular form.
Marco Polo called Koryo 'Cauli' not Solangi or Solanga in his book, The Travels of Marco Polo. Since then, this name was spread to Europe through Western Asia and it is currently 'Korea(Coree)'. On the other hand, the word of Cauli got forgotten among Mongolians but the word of Solanga remained as the name of dynasties existing in Korean Peninsular such as Koryo 'Solonγos'.

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5신라 중대 화랑도(花郞徒)와 국학(國學)

저자 : 조범환 ( Bum Hwan Cho )

발행기관 : 이화사학연구소 간행물 : 이화사학연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 123-149 (27 pages)

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Until the time when king Munmu of Silla successfully completed the Silla-Tang War, Hwarangdo remained a warrior group. When the war ended, however, Kim heumdol's revolt led to king Sinmun remarkably weakening the role and function of the Hwarangdo because of. Instead, he improved the function of the Gukhak, a school system in Silla, to recruit talent. His action was aimed at selecting people who had Confucian knowledge through Gukhak, as opposed to through Hwarangdo. This was his continuous and well-organized plan to demand and supply human resources.
However, Hwarangdo was newly born during the Hyoso Dinasty. King Hyoso couldn't ignore the requests of the noblesse, so to reduce complaints of the young men from Jingol and six bone rank, he restored Hwarangdo. The king then allowed Guksun to lead the Hwarangdo rather than Pungwolju because the king compromised with aristocracy. Thus, the newly born Hwarangdo was different from that of the middle Ages with respect to the roles and functions. The warrior personality almost disappeared and turned into a group that only played a role in assuaging the discontent of young people who failed to enter Gukhak. In Gyeongdeok dynasty, Hwarangdo lost its role of recruiting talent due to the new readjustment of the Gukhak. However, this did not change Hwarangdo into an amusement association, as was the case with existed research. The children of those who emigrated from Goguryeo and Baekje also entered Hwarangdo, and they played a big role in Silla becoming one big society.
In this regard, the reformation of Gukhak by King Sinmun affected the loss of the essential function of Hwarangdo. By contrast, with the political changes of the Middle Ages and the revival of the Nokeup, a taxation system in Silla, Hwarangdo found a new way to be maintained. These changes in Hwarangdo later affected Silla. In addition, as shown in the examples of the rebellion by Hwarang Myeonggi and Allak, Hwarangdo moved faster with the process of deterioration, not change.

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6『고흠덕 묘지명』을 통해 본 고구려 유민의 당(唐) 내 관직 제수와 특진(特進) 배경

저자 : 이천우 ( Choun Woo Lee )

발행기관 : 이화사학연구소 간행물 : 이화사학연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 151-179 (29 pages)

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Go Heum-deok was a member of the 2nd and 3rd generations of Goguryeo and also lived in the international party changing situation in the first half of the 8th century. Based on 『The Graveyard Name of Go Heum-deok』, he understood the background of the period of the first half of the 8th century and followed the pattern of Go's life. As a result, it was able to infer changes in the political situation in the Tang (唐) Dynasty's northeast region, the transformation of the immigration defense system, and the activities of Goheheum in the center.
Go Heum-deok would have safely received and protected two Princess Hwabun, who had been assigned to Pyeongno-gun, based on his independent military forces in 730 and was able to achieve this feat in a short period of time.
In chapter II, Go built up his public power through 'personal skills' rather than 'dominant power', but it was difficult to move on to high office. It was not only Go Heum-deok who faced these difficulties, but also people of the 2nd and 3rd generations of Goguryeo faced in the party. The 730-year incident was an opportunity to become a high-ranking government official, and the fact that it was able to be distinguished proves that there existed a window for the Goguryeo people.

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7세계사의 시각에서 본 근현대 중국 조세 구조의 전환

저자 : 강진아 ( Jin A Kang )

발행기관 : 이화사학연구소 간행물 : 이화사학연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 181-241 (61 pages)

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This paper summarizes the historical structural changes of the Chinese tax system and revenue and compares them to those of contemporary countries that were regarded as models for Chinese fiscal reform. The Chinese Empire depended on land taxes for more than 70 percent of its tax revenues, but the British Empire had already established a flexible taxation system that could easily finance war expenses by enacting indirect tax into a fiscal workhorse at that time. The shift of center in social production from agriculture to industry and commerce made it possible. The late Qing and Meiji Japan started to develop fiscal expansion and the introduction of new indirect taxes based on the British model. Unlike the successful case of Japan, whose fiscal reform synchronized with the transformation of production, the Qing Empire remained an agricultural economy but increased commercial and industrial tax revenues. During the Republican era, the Peking government and Nanjing Nationalist government tried to escape the indirect tax-dependent tax system by introducing direct taxation, including income tax in consideration of global trends. However, the dependency on indirect tax was deepened without fundamental change in production. After launching its policy of reform and opening, the CCP successfully implemented a series of tax reforms which resembled the unfinished tax reform under the Nationalist regime: the division of national tax and local tax, the introduction of direct taxes, and the abolition of agricultural taxes and salt taxes as a residue of imperial tax system. This success was underpinned by unprecedented economic growth and transition into a highly industrialized economy. However, from the 1980s the U.S. tax system shifted its focus to boosting the economy rather than eliminating social inequality, and consequently China's tax policy, which has referred to the US model as a global standard, has played a limited role in terms of reducing social inequalities.

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8Kyung Deok Roh, Stalin's Economic Advisors: The Varga Institute and the Making of Soviet Foreign Policy, London: I.B. Tauris, 2018.

저자 : 이정하

발행기관 : 이화사학연구소 간행물 : 이화사학연구 57권 0호 발행 연도 : 2018 페이지 : pp. 243-247 (5 pages)

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